The Limits of PURE DEMOCRACY

Mallock, W. H.

doi:10.4324/9781315132952

Cited by 4 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…First, more than conservatives, liberals are disposed to value equality (Graham et al, 2009(Graham et al, , 2011Haidt & Graham, 2007). Equality is central to the very notion of democracy (e.g., Dahl, 1998; see also Duggan, 2012;Mallock, 2017), which is defined by the provision of equal rights, opportunities, and influence in political decision-making (Singer, 1973). Together, these associations suggest democracy may be especially strongly aligned with liberals' beliefs and values, and that liberals might thus place a higher relative value on democracy.…”

Section: The Value Of Equalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Who would mourn democracy? Liberals might, but it depends on who’s in charge.

Benjamin¹,

Laurin²,

Chiang³

2022

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

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Despite widespread support for the principles of democracy, democratic norms have been eroding globally for over a decade. We ask whether and how political ideology factors into people's reactions to democratic decline. We offer hypotheses derived from two theoretical lenses, one considering ideologically-relevant dispositions, and another considering ideologically-relevant situations. Pre-registered laboratory experiments combined with analyses of World Values Survey data indicate that there is a dispositional trend: Overall, liberals are more distressed than conservatives by low democracy. At the same time, situational factors also matter: This pattern emerges most strongly when the ruling party is conservative, and disappears (though it does not flip into its mirror image) when the ruling party is liberal. Our results contribute to ongoing debates over ideological symmetry and asymmetry; they also suggest that, if democracy is worth protecting, not everyone, everywhere will feel the urgency.

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Section: The Value Of Equalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Who would mourn democracy? Liberals might, but it depends on who’s in charge.

Benjamin¹,

Laurin²,

Chiang³

2022

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…First, across different places and times, liberals value equality more than do conservatives (Graham et al, 2009(Graham et al, , 2011Haidt & Graham, 2007). And equality is central to the very notion of democracy (e.g., Dahl, 1998; see also Duggan, 2012;Mallock, 2017), which is defined by the provision of equal rights, opportunities, and influence in political decision-making (Besette, 1980;Singer, 1973). Together, these associations suggest democracy may be especially strongly aligned with liberal values, and that liberals might thus place a higher relative value on democracy.…”

Section: The Psychology Of Conservatism Predicts Ideological Differences In Feelings About Democracymentioning

confidence: 99%

Who would mourn democracy? Liberals might, but it depends on who’s in charge

Benjamin¹,

Laurin²,

Chiang³

2021

Preprint

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Despite widespread support for the principles of democracy, democratic norms have been eroding for over a decade, both globally and in the US in particular. We ask whether there are differences in how distressing American liberals, compared to conservatives, have found these declines. More importantly, we ask whether any such differences reflect fundamental asymmetries between political ideologies, or simply the fact that the current political context has different consequences for partisans at different ends of the spectrum. To this end, we examine ideological differences not only in America, but in other countries across the globe. Pre-registered laboratory experiments combined with analyses of World Values Survey data indicate that overall, liberals are more distressed than conservatives by low democracy. At the same time, this pattern emerges most strongly when the ruling party is conservative, and disappears (though it does not flip into its mirror image) when the ruling party is liberal. If democracy is worth protecting, our results suggest that not everyone, everywhere will feel the urgency.

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From Syndicalism to Seattle: Class and the Politics of Identity

Burgmann

2005

Inter. Labor Working-Class Hist.

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In the first half of the twentieth century the labor movement promoted the notion of separate working-class values and interests—evident for example in American and European syndicalism, British interwar Communism and Australian interwar Laborism—and was thus identifiable as a social movement. Like the new social movements of the 1960s and 1970s, this prewar identity politics successfully mobilized imagined political communities. By contrast, the retreat from emphasis on class difference and the turn to “equality of opportunity” politics, which Raymond Williams identified at midcentury and warned against, demobilized and weakened the labor movement. With class-based inequalities increasing from the 1970s, the decline of working-class identity politics ensured that the discrepancy between the objective importance of class and its subjective significance became especially marked. However, a newly forged identity politics of the world's economically exploited has recently reemerged in the movement against corporate globalization. From syndicalism to Seattle, we have witnessed the rise, retreat and resurgence of class identity politics.

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The Limits of PURE DEMOCRACY

Cited by 4 publications

References 0 publications

Who would mourn democracy? Liberals might, but it depends on who’s in charge.

Who would mourn democracy? Liberals might, but it depends on who’s in charge.

Who would mourn democracy? Liberals might, but it depends on who’s in charge

From Syndicalism to Seattle: Class and the Politics of Identity

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