Abstract:This article addresses limitations of homonormativity in the pursuit of sexual and gender equality. Based on 20 interviews with cisgender, heterosexual Christian women, we demonstrate how even people who support same-sex marriage and some recognition of cisgender lesbian and gay people as potentially moral individuals may continue marginalization of transgender and bisexual people in their interpretations of gender, sexualities, and religion. We outline two generic processes in the reproduction of inequality w… Show more
“…However, they also report examples where they face heteronormative cissexism and biphobia often unexplored in most sociology to date (Monro, Hines, and Osborne ) but suggested implicitly in the data of prior studies (Pascoe ; Silva ; Ward ). These observations echo suggestions that it may be useful for sociologists—especially those studying sexual fluidity itself—to begin systematically examining the ways sexual and gender fluid people experience heteronormativity, and the ways heteronormativity itself relies upon the erasure of fluidity as an option within social life (Mathers, Sumerau, and Cragun ).…”
Binary gender and sexuality are socially constructed, but they structure thought at such a deep level that even those critical of sexism and homophobia can unwittingly reproduce them, with consequences felt most profoundly by those whose gender/sexual identity defy binary logic. This article outlines a generic pattern in the reproduction of inequality we call foreclosing fluidity, the symbolic or material removal of fluid possibilities from sexual and gender experience and categorization. Based on 115 responses from people who are both sexually and gender fluid and a reading of existing sociologies of gender and sexualities from a fluid standpoint, we demonstrate how lesbian/gay/straight, cisgender, and transgender women and men—regardless of intentions—may foreclose fluidity by mobilizing cisnormative, transnormative, heteronormative, and/or homonormative beliefs and practices. Examining patterns of foreclosing fluidity may provide insight into (1) the further incorporation of fluid people and standpoints into symbolic interactionism, and (2) the reproduction and persistence of sexual and gender inequalities.
“…However, they also report examples where they face heteronormative cissexism and biphobia often unexplored in most sociology to date (Monro, Hines, and Osborne ) but suggested implicitly in the data of prior studies (Pascoe ; Silva ; Ward ). These observations echo suggestions that it may be useful for sociologists—especially those studying sexual fluidity itself—to begin systematically examining the ways sexual and gender fluid people experience heteronormativity, and the ways heteronormativity itself relies upon the erasure of fluidity as an option within social life (Mathers, Sumerau, and Cragun ).…”
Binary gender and sexuality are socially constructed, but they structure thought at such a deep level that even those critical of sexism and homophobia can unwittingly reproduce them, with consequences felt most profoundly by those whose gender/sexual identity defy binary logic. This article outlines a generic pattern in the reproduction of inequality we call foreclosing fluidity, the symbolic or material removal of fluid possibilities from sexual and gender experience and categorization. Based on 115 responses from people who are both sexually and gender fluid and a reading of existing sociologies of gender and sexualities from a fluid standpoint, we demonstrate how lesbian/gay/straight, cisgender, and transgender women and men—regardless of intentions—may foreclose fluidity by mobilizing cisnormative, transnormative, heteronormative, and/or homonormative beliefs and practices. Examining patterns of foreclosing fluidity may provide insight into (1) the further incorporation of fluid people and standpoints into symbolic interactionism, and (2) the reproduction and persistence of sexual and gender inequalities.
“…Post‐gay does not mean post‐discrimination, since acceptance is uneven (Mathers et al. ; Mathers et al. )—even in the gayborhood (Doan ; Knee )—where straight residents, who say they support gay rights and feel a common humanity with their LGBTQ/2S neighbors, still discriminate against them (Brodyn and Ghaziani ).…”
Research on sexuality and space emphasizes geographic and institutional forms that are stable, established, and fixed. By narrowing their analytic gaze on such places, which include gayborhoods and bars, scholars use observations about changing public opinions, residential integration, and the closure of nighttime venues to conclude that queer urban and institutional life is in decline. We use queer pop‐up events to challenge these dominant arguments about urban sexualities and to advocate instead a “temporary turn” that analyzes the relationship between ephemerality and placemaking. Drawing on interviews with party promoters and participants in Vancouver, our findings show that ephemeral events can have enduring effects. Pop‐ups refresh ideas about communal expression, belonging, safety, and the ownership of space among queer‐identified people who feel excluded from the gayborhood and its bars. As a case, pop‐ups compel scholars to broaden their focus from a preoccupation with permanent places to those which are fleeting, transient, short‐lived, and experienced for a moment. Only when we see the city as a collection of temporary spaces can we appreciate how queer people convert creative cultural visions into spatial practices that enable them to express an oppositional ethos and to congregate with, and celebrate, their imagined communities.
“…Emerging studies of intersections between religion, nonreligion, bi+ experience, and trans experience suggest even as some religions have become less oppositional to gay and lesbian people and rights in some cases—offering tolerance (Thomas and Olson ), sympathy (Cragun, Sumerau, and Williams ), conditional acceptance (Sumerau, Grollman, and Cragun ), or even full affirmation (Moon and Tobin )—damnation specifically targeted at bi+ and trans people has intensified (Mathers ; Mathers, Sumerau, and Cragun ; Sumerau and Cragun ). Such studies also show bi+ and trans people are evaluated much more negatively by religious people than LG or nonreligious people (Cragun and Sumerau ).…”
Section: Bi+ Trans Religious Experiencementioning
confidence: 99%
“…As a nonreligious, pansexual agender person put it: “The Pope compared trans people to nuclear weapons, so I think it is pretty clear how many of them feel about us.” Referencing the same speech, as did others in the data set (about 11%), a Pagan, queer transgender person stated: “The Pope says people like me are as dangerous as nuclear weapons, and I didn't hear any big outcry from other religious people about it.” According to a nonreligious, pansexual nonbinary person: “My dad ran the men's group in church, and he completely disowned me when I came out at 16, which led to the same with the rest.” In line with the pattern reflected by the responses above, a nonreligious, pansexual transgender person recounts the following example from their youth: Whether local or national, respondents flesh out the hostility captured in prior surveys (Cragun and Sumerau ) and interviews (Mathers, Sumerau, and Cragun ; Sumerau, Grollman, and Cragun ): many contemporary religious people display strong antipathy toward anything nonmonosexual and/or noncisgender (and often still directed at LG people by some; see Moon and Tobin ). As others note (Avishai ; Avishai, Jafar, and Rinaldo ; Bush ), this suggests religion may often be more about normative understandings of gender and sexualities than anything related to a higher power, morality, love or care for others, or anything otherwise explicitly religious (see also Burke ).…”
This article builds upon emerging studies of bi+ and trans populations to explore the importance of expanding studies of religion and nonreligion beyond an almost entirely cisgender and monosexual focus. Specifically, we utilize the largest qualitative sample of bi+ trans people (n = 249) in sociology to date to explore the ways people in both these populations experience religion. We find that while some bi+ trans people note exceptional positive experiences in religious contexts, they almost entirely experience religion as a source of damnation and trauma. Our analysis speaks to sociologies of (1) gender and (non)religion, (2) sexualities and (non)religion, and (3) (non)religious bi+ and/or trans experience. Our conclusion outlines implications for developing bi+ and trans inclusive studies of religion and nonreligion.
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