2019
DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz080
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The Limits of Collective Financial Statecraft: Regional Development Banks and Voting Alignment with the United States at the United Nations General Assembly

Abstract: Which limitations does the hegemon face when exerting financial statecraft through multilateral institutions? Recent studies indicate that intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) that are tools of collective financial statecraft sponsored by the United States, like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, lead developing states to align with Washington in the United Nations (UN). The same effect is verified in the case of US bilateral aid. Little, however, has been discussed about the effect of Ameri… Show more

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Cited by 14 publications
(8 citation statements)
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References 58 publications
(28 reference statements)
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“…Recent scholarship suggests that the latter take a functionalist approach, which sees regional integration projects as limiting transaction costs and facilitating trade and information flows. At the same time as trying to emulate the EU's attractive model of successful regional integration, organizations led by autocracies are typically seen as protecting interests of powerful non-democratic states and securing those states a dominant position in relation to less powerful states (Ademmer, Delcour and Wolczuk 2016;Andersen 2002;Kolk and van der Weij 1998;Langbein 2013Langbein , 2016Obydenkova and Rodrigues Vieira 2020;Rotaru 2018). There are also fundamental differences in the set of norms that such organizations promote.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Recent scholarship suggests that the latter take a functionalist approach, which sees regional integration projects as limiting transaction costs and facilitating trade and information flows. At the same time as trying to emulate the EU's attractive model of successful regional integration, organizations led by autocracies are typically seen as protecting interests of powerful non-democratic states and securing those states a dominant position in relation to less powerful states (Ademmer, Delcour and Wolczuk 2016;Andersen 2002;Kolk and van der Weij 1998;Langbein 2013Langbein , 2016Obydenkova and Rodrigues Vieira 2020;Rotaru 2018). There are also fundamental differences in the set of norms that such organizations promote.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Traditionally, democratic nation-states have been the main actors in democracy promotion, however scholars have also recognized the prominent role played in recent years by international organizations (IOs) such as the EU and their impact on democratization, human rights, and advancing the environmental agenda among other issues (Andonova et al, 2007;Whitehead, 1996;Kopstein and Reilly, 2000;Börzel and Risse, 2012;Morlino, 2011;Lankina T. et al, 2016;Morlino and Quaranta, 2016;Obydenkova, 2008Obydenkova, , 2012Biermann, et al, 2009;Biermann and Bauer, 2004;Börzel, 2003). Therefore, it is unsurprising that most of the existing studies have focused mainly on IOs established by democracies, such as the EU or the Western-led Multilateral Development Banks which emerged during the Cold War, and their nature, causes, and impacts (Pevehouse, 2002;Bartolini, 2005;Mansfield and Pevehouse, 2006;Börzel and Risse, 2012;Braaten, 2014;Ben-Artzi, 2016;Obydenkova and Vieira, 2020). However, recent decades have also witnessed a growing number of regional IOs which have been created by autocracies (Ambrosio, 2008;Libman and Obydenkova, 2013, 2018a, 2018bTansey, 2016;Allison, 2018;Izotov and Obydenkova, 2020;Kneuer and Demmelhuber, 2020).…”
Section: Democracy Studiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Nevertheless, the first signs of change can be seen in the Russian priorities within the system of development banks. After 2014, Russia has started to shift its focus from global institutions (the World Bank Group) and, related to them, regional institutions, which are strongly influenced by the US foreign policy (Obydenkova & Rodrigues Vieira, 2020), to the institutions controlled by emerging market economies (NDB or AIIB) or Russia itself (EDB). For example, if Russia's share in EBRD is approximately 4%, in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), even though it is controlled by China, 16 it is higher (Russia is the third largest shareholder with 6.75% participation in the capital 17 ).…”
Section: Ensuring Stable External Conditions For Russian Economic Devmentioning
confidence: 99%