The Libidinal Constitution of a High-Risk Social Movement: Affectual Ties and Solidarity in the Huk Rebellion, 1946 to 1954

Goodwin, Jeff

doi:10.2307/2657452

Cited by 241 publications

(86 citation statements)

References 37 publications

(13 reference statements)

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“…In line with the discursive approach to institutions and institutional work, we view emotions as social and intersubjective constructions (Fineman, 2006(Fineman, , 2007aGoodwin, 1997;Goodwin & Pfaff, 2001). For the purposes of contributing to a better understanding of the emotional underpinnings of institutional politics and institutional work, we focus particularly on the categories of emotions that are strongly linked to culture, cognition, social order, and moral reflection (Creed et al, 2014;Goodwin et al, 2007;Nussbaum, 2003Nussbaum, [2001).…”

Section: Emotions As Social Constructionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Emotions in Institutional Work: A Discursive Perspective

Moisander

Hirsto

Fahy

2016

Organization Studies

113

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This paper focuses on the dynamics and interplay of meaning, emotions, and power in institutional work. Based on an empirical study, we explore and elaborate on the rhetorical strategies of emotion work that institutional actors employ to mobilize emotions for discursive institutional work. In an empirical context where a powerful institutional actor is tasked with creating support and acceptance for a new political and economic institution, we identify three rhetorical strategies of emotion work: eclipsing, diverting and evoking emotions. These strategies are employed to arouse, regulate, and organize emotions that underpin legitimacy judgments and drive resistance among field constituents. We find that actors exercise influence and engage in overt forms of emotion work by evoking shame and pride to sanction and reward particular expedient ways of thinking and feeling about the new institutional arrangements. More importantly, however, the study shows that they also engage in strategies of discursive institutional work that seek to exert power-force and influence-in more subtle ways by eclipsing and diverting the collective fears, anxieties, and moral indignation that drive resistance and breed negative legitimacy evaluations. Overall, the study suggests that emotions play an important role in institutional work associated with creating institutions, not only via "pathos appeals" but also as tools of discursive, cultural-cognitive meaning work and in the exercise of power in the field.

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Section: Emotions As Social Constructionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Emotions in Institutional Work: A Discursive Perspective

Moisander

Hirsto

Fahy

2016

Organization Studies

113

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“…Selective incentives might also be social. Indeed, one common argument in the literature on participation in contentious politics is that social ties are necessary to bring individuals into the fray (Goodwin 1997;Kuran 1991;Lohmann 1993;Opp and Kittell 2010;Pfaff 1996;Schussman and Soule 2005). People have been observed to join the action if they have some prior social connection to other joiners (McAdam 1986;Opp and Kittell 2010), and they seem more likely to participate if they have been asked to do so (Klandermans and Oegema 1987).…”

Section: Ingroup Esteem and Rallymentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Esteem and Participation in Contentious Politics: A Field Experiment at an LGBT Pride Rally

McClendon

2013

American J Political Sci

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What motivates individuals to participate in contentious, political forms of collective action? In this article, I consider the possibility that the promise of social esteem from an ingroup can act as a powerful selective incentive for individuals to participate in contentious politics. I conducted a field experiment—the first to my knowledge to take place in the context of a political march, rally, or social‐identity event—to isolate this esteem mechanism from others. Using measures of intent to attend, actual attendance, and reported attendance at a gay and lesbian pride event in New Jersey, I find evidence that the promise of social esteem boosts all three measures of participation. The article offers new theoretical and practical implications for the study of participation in nonvoting forms of collective action.

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“…L'engagement dans ce type de groupes implique nécessairement une rupture biographique lourde qui passe par la renonciation à son identité antérieure pour renaître littéralement par le biais notamment de l'attribution d'un « nom de guerre », l'intériorisation de règles de comportement codifiées avec minutie pouvant porter sur les relations affectives et sexuelles internes (Coser, 1982 ;Goodwin, 1997), le recours à des techniques de mortification plus ou moins sévères (de l'abandon des « attributs bourgeois » que seraient les produits de la culture de masse aux séances collectives d'autocritique, jusqu'aux pratiques de coercition physique infligées à autrui ou sur soi). Au terme de la carrière radicale que représente ce passage à la clandestinité (qui, lui, constitue une indéniable frontière tant matérielle que symbolique) s'est opérée une véritable alternation identitaire, au sens de Berger et Luckmann (1986), c'est-à-dire un changement de monde radical par une socialisation secondaire en rupture totale avec la socialisation primaire.…”

Section: A S P é C I F I C I T é D E L ' E N G a G E M E N T R A D unclassified

Engagement radical, désengagement et déradicalisation. Continuum et lignes de fracture

Sommier

2013

lsp

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L’article s’attache à l’engagement radical entendu de façon classique comme un militantisme qui, à partir d’une posture de rupture vis-à-vis de la société d’appartenance, accepte au moins en théorie le recours à des formes non conventionnelles d’action politique éventuellement illégales, voire violentes. Il présente un bilan analytique des recherches qui adoptent de façon croissante une perspective de carrière et travaillent désormais sur le désengagement et la déradicalisation. Tout en refusant une interprétation particulariste et a fortiori pathologique du phénomène, il en restitue les spécificités et dynamiques collectives autant qu’individuelles pour souligner à la fois les continuités et les lignes de fracture le distinguant de l’engagement « ordinaire ».This paper explores radical engagement, understood in the classical sense as a form of activism that, from a position of rupture with the society to which it belongs, agrees at least in theory with resorting to certain unconventional forms of possibly illegal or even violent political action. It offers an analytical assessment of research that is increasingly taking a “career perspective” in focusing on disengagement and deradicalization. While rejecting any particularist and, a fortiori, pathological interpretation of this phenomenon, it reviews the collective as well as individual characteristics and dynamics in order to highlight both the continuities and the fracture lines that distinguish radical from “ordinary” engagement

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The Libidinal Constitution of a High-Risk Social Movement: Affectual Ties and Solidarity in the Huk Rebellion, 1946 to 1954

Cited by 241 publications

References 37 publications

Emotions in Institutional Work: A Discursive Perspective

Emotions in Institutional Work: A Discursive Perspective

Social Esteem and Participation in Contentious Politics: A Field Experiment at an LGBT Pride Rally

Engagement radical, désengagement et déradicalisation. Continuum et lignes de fracture

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