The lessons of the ‘Nookat events’: central government, local officials and religious protests in Kyrgyzstan

Khamidov, Alisher

doi:10.1080/02634937.2013.805001

Cited by 10 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…See Yemelianova 2010.48 For more on these organizations, see inKaragiannis 2010;Naumkin 2005;Rashid 2002; Tuckers 2016 and Karin 2016. 49 This conclusion is based on my field-work findings in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan in the period between 1999 and 2014, as well as findings of other scholars who conducted empirical research in the region(Heathershaw and Montgomery 2014;Khamidov 2013;Louw 2008; Montgomery 2007;Rasanayagam 2011; Salmorbekova&Yemelianova 2010).…”

mentioning

confidence: 82%

How “Muslim” are Central Asian Muslims? A Historical and Comparative Enquiry

Yémelianova

2017

Central Asian Affairs

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The article analyzes the social, political, and symbolic functions of Islam in contemporary Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan. Over many centuries, Central Asians developed a particular form of Islam based on a productive and fluid synergy among Islam per se, their tribal legal and customary norms, and Tengrian and Zoroastrian beliefs and practices. It is characterized by a high level of doctrinal and functional adaptability to shifting political and cultural environments, the prevalence of mystical Islam (Sufism) and oral, rather than book-based, Islamic tradition. These qualities have defined distinctive Islamic trajectories in post-Soviet Central Asia, which differ significantly from those in other Muslim-majority countries and in Muslim communities in the West. At the same time, the common Eurasian space and lengthy shared political history of Central Asians and other peoples of Muslim Eurasia are also reflected in the considerable similarities in their Islamic trajectories.

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confidence: 82%

How “Muslim” are Central Asian Muslims? A Historical and Comparative Enquiry

Yémelianova

2017

Central Asian Affairs

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“…This was done through different state and semi-state bodies, most importantly the State Agency for Religious Affairs and the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Kyrgyzstan or Muftiat. Opinions about these bodies diverge greatly, with many claiming them to be non-independent, corrupted and instrumentalized by the government (Khamidov, 2013).…”

Section: 'Traditional' Versus 'Foreign' Islammentioning

confidence: 99%

Post-Liberal Statebuilding in Central Asia

Lottholz¹

2022

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To Polina, with all my love vii Contents List of Figures and Tables viii Notes on Transliteration and Language ix Acknowledgements x 1The people to be thanked first are the protagonists of this research: research participants, conversation partners, interlocutors and all those ready to invite me to get to know their initiatives, projects, organizations and points of view. I am most grateful for your openness and trust and hope that the dialogue that has unfolded will continue further to new horizons. The research experience was especially enriching thanks to Alexey, Timur, and further unnamed people who patiently answered my questions, read multiple draft documents and enabled key insights. The research assistance and translation skills of Gulniza Taalaibekova and Meerim Saipova helped to broaden the perspective of the project, and the hospitality and supportive atmosphere at the American University of Central Asia in Bishkek was a backbone during the fieldwork period.Second most important are the fellow travellers and comrades who have helped shape this work and made it possible to endure the institutionalized injustice of academia while remaining defiant and hoping for a better future.

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“…In 2005, he was deposed in the 'Tulip Revolution', and replaced by a North-South unity government (Radnitz, 2006). Soon after, the state grew to be dominated by Southerners led by Kurmanbek Bakiyev, leading to tension between Uzbeks and Southern Kyrgyz (Khamidov, 2013). Neither violence nor tension was limited to the period immediately following the 2010 revolution.…”

Section: The Case Of Southern Kyrgyzstanmentioning

confidence: 99%

State weakness and support for ethnic violence in Southern Kyrgyzstan

Ash

2022

Journal of Peace Research

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Does state weakness increase support for ethnic violence? This study proposes individuals who feel insecure due to state weakness are more likely to support interethnic violence conditional on exposure to chauvinist messaging. Support for interethnic violence is evaluated through a survey experiment in Southern Kyrgyzstan. The results show random assignment of chauvinist nationalist rhetoric only induces support for interethnic violence among respondents who trust informal non-state actors from their ethnic group to provide them security. The findings suggest state weakness leads individuals to view their ethnic group as an alternative provider of security and that when primed by chauvinist rhetoric, these individuals become more supportive of violence on their group’s behalf. A case study of the 2010 riots in the Southern Kyrgyz city of Osh illustrates how underlying support for violence may escalate to actual violence as a result of state breakdown, examining events in the months after the Kyrgyz state lost authority following the April 2010 revolution. Jointly, the survey findings and case study illustrate pathways for violence in ethnically divided low-capacity environments and potential drawbacks from protest-oriented revolutions.

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The lessons of the ‘Nookat events’: central government, local officials and religious protests in Kyrgyzstan

Cited by 10 publications

References 2 publications

How “Muslim” are Central Asian Muslims? A Historical and Comparative Enquiry

How “Muslim” are Central Asian Muslims? A Historical and Comparative Enquiry

Post-Liberal Statebuilding in Central Asia

State weakness and support for ethnic violence in Southern Kyrgyzstan

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