The Legitimation of Power

Beetham, David

doi:10.1007/978-1-349-21599-7

Cited by 1,442 publications

(793 citation statements)

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“…A collective interest is more difficult to distinguish when the management of new regions formulates and implements policies which have diverse consequences for different sections ofthe population. Governing bodies of new regions can justify their policies either by using an external source of knowledge based on, for instance, national policies, or by using the internal source ofthe values and identities of established communities (Beetham, 1991, pages 69-75).…”

Section: The Legitimation Of New Regionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Layering Spatial Identities: The Identity Discourses of New Regions

Terlouw

Gorp

2014

Environ Plan A

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The number and importance of regions are increasing at the same time as traditional regional identities are undermined through processes like globalisation and individualisation. Local and other administrations increasingly cooperate and create new regions which are too changeable for a distinct collective identity to develop. Nevertheless, a clear identity discourse helps administrators to justify their policies; to mobilise local stakeholders; to attract outside resources; and to get attention and funding from the central government. This paper studies how the identity discourses of these new regions are constructed by administrators and other stakeholders by using elements linked to the identity of more established spatial entities. Especially important are the selective downloading of characteristics from the nations and regions to which they belong and the uploading of specific qualities from the cities and areas within their boundaries. We analyse how in two areas in the Netherlands the identity discourses of new regions have been constructed through selective association with the complex layers of more established spatial identities nearby. This paper studies how stakeholders create identity discourses for new regions through the uploading and downloading of characteristics of more established spatial identities at different scales. We focus on the identity discourses communicated by new regions to legitimise themselves and not on the identification of individuals with 'their' region (Paasi, 2009;2012). We view regional identity not as a set of characterisfics of a well-defined spafial entity 'out there', but as social constructs that are created and reproduced through stakeholder discourses that become materialised in, for example, planning documents or official websites. New regions are based on the cooperation between local administrations and often include administrations from other scale levels and other stakeholders. After discussing the proliferation of partially overlapping new regions in recent decades and how these new regions can be legitimised, we focus on the identity paradox: the increasing importance of regional identity to justify regional policies coincides with the decreasing possibilities for new regions to communicate a distinct identity. We investigate how stakeholders of these new regions can resolve this paradox by using elements ofthe identity of more established spatial entities in their vicinity in their political discourses. We demonstrate these processes by analysing how in two areas in the Netherlands the identity discourses of new regions have been constructed through interaction with the complex layers of spatial identities around them.The rise of new regions The proliferation of new regions is linked to the transformation of the nation-state in Europe and the growing importance of global competition. Economic geographers focus on the growing importance of regions in providing companies with the specific conditions

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Section: The Legitimation Of New Regionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Layering Spatial Identities: The Identity Discourses of New Regions

Terlouw

Gorp

2014

Environ Plan A

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“…Trust in the police is part of the concept of legitimacy, and police legitimacy is a prerequisite of democratic governance (Beetham, 1991). Democratic systems might need even more of it than non-democratic ones, because they are (usually) limited in using violence or coercion and they are bound to build cooperative relations with citizens.…”

Section: Thematic Questionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Obedience and Trust in the Brazilian Police from a Youth’s Perspective: The Preliminary Results

Stamatakis¹

2016

Iberoamericana – Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies

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“…After all, the 'Aristotelian version of natural law justified slavery as well as aristocracy, while most Enlightenment versions postulated a radical difference between the nature of men and women'. 18 What we are interested in here is the view that the prevention of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes is now jus cogens and that international society must do more to enforce that. It is this that underpins the R2P narrative.…”

Section: Legitimacy In International Societymentioning

confidence: 99%

Legitimacy faultlines in international society: The responsibility to protect and prosecute after Libya

Ralph¹,

Gallagher²

2014

Rev. Int. Stud.

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There is a perceived legitimacy deficit in contemporary international society. A symptom of this is the political contestation surrounding the 2011 Libyan crisis and its influence on the 2011–13 Syrian crisis. This involved criticism being levelled at the coalition led by the so-called Permanent-3 for the way they implemented the protection of civilians mandate, as well as for the referral of the Libyan situation to the International Criminal Court. How the P3 respond to these developments will be driven in part by how this ‘legitimacy fault line’ is interpreted. The purpose of this article is to first give an interpretation that is informed by the work of contemporary English School scholars and the political theorists they draw on; and second to provide the context in which specific policy recommendations may guide the response of the P3 states. We argue that because the new legitimacy fault line divides on the procedural question ofwho decides howinternational society should meet its responsibilities rather than substantive disagreements aboutwhatthose responsibilities are (that is, human protection and justice) the challenge to the liberal agenda of the P3 is not radical. However, we also argue that ignoring the procedural concerns of the African and BRICS states is not outcome neutral and could in fact do harm to both the ICC and the wider implementation of R2P. We consider two proposals for procedural reform and examine how the P3 response would impact on their claim to be good international citizens.

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The Legitimation of Power

Cited by 1,442 publications

References 0 publications

Layering Spatial Identities: The Identity Discourses of New Regions

Layering Spatial Identities: The Identity Discourses of New Regions

Obedience and Trust in the Brazilian Police from a Youth’s Perspective: The Preliminary Results

Legitimacy faultlines in international society: The responsibility to protect and prosecute after Libya

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