The Labour Party since 1945

Jefferys, Kevin

doi:10.1007/978-1-349-22902-4

Cited by 16 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…For perhaps, as Jefferys has suggested, 'he was himself too much a product of 1970s-style Labourism to be able to escape its legacy without being accused of lacking consistency' and, partly because of that, 'was never quite able to make the leap between inspiring the party faithful and convincing the wider electorate'. 127 Nevertheless, down the long and winding, perhaps at times personally painful, road of Kinnock's socialist journey from Clause Four socialism to what in reality has been a form of European social democracy, his commitment to the enduring democratic socialist values of liberty, social justice and community and to a Labourist version of liberal collectivism (to use the Edwardian social liberal J. A. Hobson's term) have remained constant features of his ideological stance.…”

Section: -92: Towards a New Revisionismsupporting

confidence: 44%

Neil Kinnock's socialist journey: From clause four to the policy review

Jones

1994

Contemporary Record

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Section: -92: Towards a New Revisionismsupporting

confidence: 44%

Neil Kinnock's socialist journey: From clause four to the policy review

Jones

1994

Contemporary Record

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“…In the 1970s, the Movement’s politicization intertwined with the rise of co-operatives as an ownership alternative to failing nationalized and private industries in the larger landscape of a serious crisis of British industry and capitalism more generally (Coates, 1976; Jefferys, 1993; Morgan, 1997). Pressured by the Co-operative Movement, the 1974–1979 Labour Governments eventually made some concessions, focused in particular on stimulating the fledgling workers’ co-operatives sector, thereby committing little and resisting many of the Movement’s demands.…”

Section: ‘Hands Would Have To Dig Into Pockets’: Tracing the Co-optio...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The elimination of political demands: Ordoliberalism, the big society and the depoliticization of co-operatives

Vieira

Foster

2021

Competition & Change

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This paper focuses on the British state’s attitude towards co-operatives, focusing mainly on the Thatcher (1979–1990) and Cameron (2010–2015) governments. After the 2008 crisis, the Cameron-led government, under the umbrella of its Big Society project, developed measures to shift responsibility on British society for the development of the co-operative model as a contribution to self-help, the pursuit of economic growth and the rebuilding of social bonds. We trace the origins of these efforts to the Thatcher governments, where these attitudes towards workers’ cooperatives were consolidated. In so doing, we find the concept of ordoliberalism rather than neo-liberalism alone, particularly useful for explaining the nuances of the governments’ relationship with the cooperatives; including the symbolic backing of co-operatives for their perfect embodiment of self-help and the entrepreneurial spirit, integrating them into a social policy of total competition and economic growth and the constant legislative and financial control of state support. This exemplified and operationalized a larger governmentality later also pursued by the coalition, aimed at entrenching a competitive order and the bourgeois spirit of self-sufficiency through the deployment of the agenda of popular capitalism. Both the Thatcher and Cameron governments, in the spirit of ordoliberalism, instrumentalized cooperatives as part of a project that sought to govern through society to reshape and depoliticize it. This was an attempt to simultaneously eliminate British society’s political demands while recasting the role that the state is expected to play in social and economic policy.

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“…Even Time magazine, writing a week after the Party Conference, was quick to suggest that Gaitskell had come out against the EEC because accession would bring about the cessation of a thousand years of British history ( Time 1962). This misconception has come to penetrate much academic analysis and informed commentary including (Childs 2001, 97), (Denman 1996, 220), (Jefferys 1993, 54), Jones (1996b, 75), (Laybourn 2000, 98), (Marquand 1999, 130), (May 1999, 35), (Robins 1979, 27–29) and (Young 1998, 162). More often than not (for two exceptions see Booker 2002, 264; Parr 2006, 15), there is a damning failure to cite the original Gaitskell at all, let alone comprehend the main points actually raised at Brighton.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Half-Remembered Quotations from Mostly Forgotten Speeches: The Limits of Labour's European Policy Discourse

Broad

Daddow

2010

The British Journal of Politics and International Relations

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it identifies the ideational consistencies in the leaders' attitudes to: Empire; federalism in the EEC/EU; and laying down conditions that have to be met before any constructive engagement with 'Europe' can be countenanced. We argue that these consistencies, spanning a 50-year period, exemplify a certain stagnation both within Labour's European discourses and within British foreign policy thinking more widely. We develop the idea that Labour party thinking has been crucially framed by both small 'c' conservative and upper-case Conservative ideology, popularised by Winston Churchill in his 'three circles' model of British foreign policy.

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The Labour Party since 1945

Cited by 16 publications

References 0 publications

Neil Kinnock's socialist journey: From clause four to the policy review

Neil Kinnock's socialist journey: From clause four to the policy review

The elimination of political demands: Ordoliberalism, the big society and the depoliticization of co-operatives

Half-Remembered Quotations from Mostly Forgotten Speeches: The Limits of Labour's European Policy Discourse

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