The Janus-like Character of Counter-hegemony: Progressive and Nationalist Responses to Neoliberalism

Land of false hope? The contradictions of British opposition to globalization1

“…These 'progressive' NGOs, International Union groups, ecological groups and human and civil rights organizations have often become seen as the sophisticated 'internationalist' critique of globalization and have been quick to distance themselves from Trotskyist radicalism (Rupert, 2000;Wilkinson, 2005). Here, a whole range of comprehensive critiques and grand alternative projects are put forward to 'transform' globalization towards a more regulated 'social democratic' reality (Rupert, 2000;Patomaki, 2001;Worth, 2002). NGOs and publications such as One World, The New Internationalist, War on Want, and the various campaigns attributed to Amnesty International, all encourage and promote a 'war of position' against the global order.…”

“…Much of what has been written still tends to 'over-romanticise' the aims and objectives of the variety of diverse groups that favour an 'anti-globalization' or 'anti-capitalist' agenda. 'Anti-globalization' takes many different ideological forms, some of which is rooted in reactionary nationalism (Rupert, 2000;Monbiot, 2002;Worth, 2002;Callinicos, 2003;Kiely, 2005), some in forms of postmodernist expression (Walker, 1988;Kuhling, 2004) and others in localized situationism (Barnard, 2004;Drainville, 2004). Whilst such diversities may appear to observers at the World Social Forum to be indicative of a loose coalition that is united around the general synopsis of global justice, the reality provides a more complex picture.…”

Beyond Regressive Nationalism and the Neoliberal Model of Development

“…Much of the contemporary academic discourse constructs nationalism as the backward and regressive inverse of internationalism (e.g., Beck 2006; Worth 2002). Thus, rather than causally intertwined, they are treated as antithetically unconnected.…”

Unravelling the Putin Myth: Strong or Weak Caesar?

“…Despite the fact that political expression seemed to reject such ideological alternatives in favour of a general centrism, critics would still maintain that such movements have been augmented – rather than that they have disappeared – since Putin's ascent to power (Lucas, 2008). In particular, the toning down of the registration of political parties has done relatively little to quell neo‐communist or nationalist opposition at a civil level, with groups such as the National Bolsheviks remaining notoriously prominent within dissident circles and the successful registration of parties such as the Russian Communist Workers party and People's National Unity that many had wanted to see sidelined or at least phased out (Worth, 2002). Indeed, towards the end of Putin's tenure, it was these more ideologically opposed social groups which forged alliances with more mainstream representative groups (such as the Pensioners Party with Rodina).…”