The Israeli<i>Kulturkampf</i>

Katz, Gideon

doi:10.1080/13537120801900243

Cited by 9 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…There are also nuanced and important scholarly discussions detailing aspects of secular Jewish culture. (For some recent examples, see Liebman 1997b;Katz 2008;Gitelman 2009.) The present argument is that the form of secularist mobilizationas part of a communal dynamic-can improve our understanding of the dynamics of the religious-secular conflict in its own right.…”

Section: Secular Communalismmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…Distinguishing between these two groups allows us to explore how the secular become secularist. 2 Other scholars have found other important distinctions within ''the secular''-focusing on the differing philosophical underpinnings or divergent relationships to religious tradition (Jobani 2008;Katz 2008;Liebman and Yadgar 2009). The distinction between the secular and the secularists complements these discussions by focusing on the degree to which secularity itself forms the principal political identity around which collective action is organized.…”

Section: Secular Communalismmentioning

confidence: 97%

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Politicized Secularism in Israel: Secularists as a Party to Communal Conflict

Shelef

2010

Cont Jewry

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Most of the attention paid to the religious-secular conflict in Israel has been devoted to the religious side. As a result, secular Israelis remain conceptualized as a residual category, as atomized individuals who share little but a lack of religiosity, and thus as passive subjects in the conflict. Drawing on lessons from identity politics, this article argues that secular fear of the religious, especially the ultra-orthodox, has led segments of the secular Israeli public increasingly to think of themselves as secularists, making their shared 'non-religious' identity politically relevant. To the extent that secularist social and political entrepreneurs succeed in bringing this about, the relationship between religious and secular is likely to resemble inter-communal conflict rather than tension between interest groups within a single community.

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Section: Secular Communalismmentioning

confidence: 97%

Section: Secular Communalismmentioning

confidence: 97%

Politicized Secularism in Israel: Secularists as a Party to Communal Conflict

Shelef

2010

Cont Jewry

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“…As embodiments of "the people," both men appealed to those feeling excluded by Ashkenazi and left-wing elites and who distrusted "the media, the civil society, the universities, and especially the judiciary as institutions controlled by small yet powerful left-wing elitist groups that manipulate the rest of society in accordance with their narrow interests" (cited in Weiss Yaniv & Tenenboim-Weinblatt 2016). Both men and their allies have profited politically from posing a culture war in which these secular elements of Israeli society are deemed inferior, wrong, traitors to religious values, and of "being far too sympathetic toward the Arabs" (Pedhazur 2012: 61; see also Katz 2008). Although nativism was already apparent in this populism, Netanyahu added an exclusionary note with attacks on migrant workers and Arab citizens of Israel.…”

Section: Israeli Populism and Holocaust Satirementioning

confidence: 99%

The Danish Cartoons, Charlie Hebdo and the culture wars: satiric limits in comparative national and transnational perspectives

Rolfe

2021

EJHR

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A considerable body of academic literature has lauded political satirists as rebellious defenders of democracy and free speech against an establishment. Although satire is not always rebellious, this reputation of satirists and of satire may itself be the object of partisan capture. In this article, it is the object of capture by right-wing populists. In that respect, satire and the meta-discourse about satire can be used like any political rhetoric in gathering like-minded allies, claiming standards, and fighting opponents. With the Danish cartoons crisis of 2005-2006 and the Charlie Hebdo massacre of 2015, proponents of culture wars rhetoric added satire to their list of Western cultural legacies that needed defence against Islamic terrorism as well as left authoritarian elites who suppressed free speech through political correctness. They constructed simplistic global political dichotomies about satire, free speech, and civilisation and lifted events out of local contexts in a process of global framing. The culture war rhetoric was absolutist in support of free speech and satire on the international level. But the national level reveals the hortatory and partisan side to this rhetoric and the complexities that belie the absolutist stand. Nations are the arenas where struggles over free speech and political humour are played out.

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“…However, at a later period, especially from the 1990s onward, their civicnational model would become an influential idea in post-Zionist circles. 18 In between the religious approach and the liberal and ethnic-confrontational ones, there existed the conservative-organic approach of Zionist leader Ahad Ha'am (Asher Ginsburg). 19 Ahad Ha'am's national perception was indeed secularÀethnic and modern, but he strived to incorporate the Jewish tradition into it harmoniously.…”

Section: Israel's Immigration Dilemmamentioning

confidence: 99%

Integrating non-Jewish immigrants and the formation of Israel's ethnic–civic nationhood: from Ben Gurion to the present

Fisher

Shilon

2016

Middle Eastern Studies

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The character and values of communities and countries are reflected in the way they define their boundaries and by the means they provide for those who wish to join them. Thus, immigration policy based on primordial ethnic affinities points to a society which anchors its collective identity in the past, while a state with joining rules based on individual civic requirements reflects a more open and inclusive concept of nationalism. The immigration and naturalization policy of each state is determined at the time of its inception, and the definition of these boundaries infuses practical content into its vision. However, both the vision and its content may undergo modifications depending on historical circumstances. For example, US immigration policy, adopted after the Second World War, was based on neutral criteria of immigrant admission reflecting the fact that it is a country of immigrants whose civic identity lies on individual-liberal foundations. Similarly, at the beginning of the 2000s, Germany integrated civic principles into its ethnic naturalization laws to facilitate veteran immigrants' assimilation and naturalization. On the other hand, the ethnic citizenship laws in the Baltic states, which emerged after the fall of the Soviet Union, endowing citizenship to descendants of nationals despite years of their living abroad, reflect the importance of ethno-historical foundations of national identity from these countries' perspective. 1 In this article, we intend to focus on the Israeli case and explain the link between its immigration and naturalization policy and its collective self-perception. We argue that Israel's policy was designed at the time of the state's establishment by David Ben Gurion, in an attempt to construct a national Jewish identity based on a creative interpretation of religious tradition, oriented also towards building a modern inclusive Jewish nation. In Israel, as in some other countries, changes in immigration policy have been made. However, in our view, in the Israeli case, these changes have not replaced the basic principles originally set by Ben Gurion; rather, they have actually confirmed the continued commitment to these fundamental principles.

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The IsraeliKulturkampf

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

Politicized Secularism in Israel: Secularists as a Party to Communal Conflict

Politicized Secularism in Israel: Secularists as a Party to Communal Conflict

The Danish Cartoons, Charlie Hebdo and the culture wars: satiric limits in comparative national and transnational perspectives

Integrating non-Jewish immigrants and the formation of Israel's ethnic–civic nationhood: from Ben Gurion to the present

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