This article examincs thc construction of multiple gendered and national identities in the Israeli army. In Israel. hegemonic masculinity is identified with the masculinity of the Jewish combat soldier and is perceived as the emblem of good citizenship. This identity. I argue, assumes a central role in shaping a hierarchal order of gendered and civic identities that reflects and reproduces social stratification and reconstructs differential modes of participation in, and belonging to; the Israeli state.In-depth intervicws with two marginalized groups in the Israeli army-women in "masculine" roles and male soldiers in blue-collar jobs-suggest two discernible practices of identity. While women in "masculine" roles structure their gender and national identities according to the masculinity of the combat soldier, the identity practices of male soldiers in blue-collar jobs challenge this hegemonic masculinity and its close link with citizenship in Israel. However, while both identity practices are empowering for the groups in question. neither undermines the hegemonic order, for the military's practice of "limited inclusion" prohibits the development of a collective consciousness that would challenge the differentiated structure of citizenship.This article examines the construction of gendercd identities within the Israeli army and their relation to differential concepts of citizenship. In Israel, hegemonic masculinity is identified with the masculinity of the Jewish combat solider and is perceived as the emblem of good citizenship (Lomsky-Feder and Ben-Ari 1999). This identity, I argue, assumes a central role in shaping a hierarchal order of gendered and civic identities that reflects and reproduces social stratification and reconstructs differential modes of participation in, and belonging to, the Israeli state. I will present this argument through an empirical analysis of two marginalized groups within the Israeli army: male soldiers in blue-collar jobs, who are mostly of lower-class Mizrachil origin, and women soldiers in "masculine" roles, who are mostly of middleclass Ashkenazi2 (European) origin. Both groups, who are marginalized for different "reasons" (one for ethno-class position and the other for gender), are marginalized through the military division ol labor. The comparison between the groups reveals two discernible practices of identity, though both reflect ambivalent positions and attitudes toward the military-state system. Women in "masculine" roles accept the model of the Direct all correspondence to