The International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) Insurgency in Northern Uganda

Apuuli, Kasaija Phillip

doi:10.1007/s10609-005-2232-4

Cited by 13 publications

(9 citation statements)

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“…The Ugandan government thus appeared to invite precisely the peril realists warn against by shining a spotlight on its response to the Northern conflict. The official terms of the referral placed Museveni and his close associates in the military at risk by allowing investigation into possible Uganda People's Defence Force (UPDF) crimes in the counter‐insurgency, which has included many potentially indictable offences (Apuuli, : 403–405; Ssenyonjo, : 365). Where these theories propose that Uganda should be shielding itself from view, the state seems to invite international attention to core domestic practices for which it could be punished.…”

Section: Self‐referrals and Sovereigntymentioning

confidence: 99%

Rebranding the State: Uganda's Strategic Use of the International Criminal Court

Freeland¹

2015

Development and Change

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When governments invite the International Criminal Court (ICC) to conduct investigations within their own borders, they seem to indicate acceptance of global norms of accountability for wartime atrocities. The first of these self‐referrals came from Uganda, whose government requested investigation into its conflict with the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), a conflict within which it, too, committed large‐scale human rights violations. This article argues that Uganda used the ICC to help solve a problem faced by many of the world's least powerful states, whose domestic politics are often structured through patron–client networks. Their rulers need to distribute basic state resources, including physical protection, to loyal clients without alienating donors who demand provision of these same resources by right to all citizens. By inviting external scrutiny and manipulating the investigative process, the Ugandan government received an international seal of approval for practices that the ICC would normally punish. This strategy has system‐wide consequences in that repeated mislabelling of rights violations as compliant with international norms causes the meaning of compliance to become incoherent, and norms are less able to constrain the behaviour of all states in the long run.

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Section: Self‐referrals and Sovereigntymentioning

confidence: 99%

Rebranding the State: Uganda's Strategic Use of the International Criminal Court

Freeland¹

2015

Development and Change

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“…The LRA has become notorious in its tactic of wantonly and systematically abducting people, particularly children (Apuuli 2004:400). The abducted boys and girls were forcibly recruited into the LRA ranks, with the girls also being married to LRA members.…”

Section: The Lra and The Conflict In Northern Ugandamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the case of northern Uganda, the overwhelming view of civil society has been that the conflict should be brought to an end through peaceful means, namely through dialogue (Apuuli 2004:406–07; Tindifa 2006:37). In this regard, CSOs have been a constant irritant to those who think the military solution or even the intervention of the ICC should be the only response(s) to end the conflict.…”

Section: Civil Society and Conflict Resolutionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Peace over Justice: The Acholi Religious Leaders Peace Initiative (ARLPI) vs. the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Northern Uganda

Apuuli

2011

Studies Ethnicity & National

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“…Declaring himself president, Kabila abrogated the Transitional Act altogether, effectively outlawing political opposition to his rule. He was soon to make a fatal mistake by expelling the Rwandan and Ugandan contingents which had propelled him to victory, and this plunged his fragile administration once again into civil war (Apuuli 2004) Joseph Kabila would subsequently go on to win the presidential elections in 2006, although their results failed to mark new beginnings for the Congolese nation. The DRC continues to be ruffled by various dimensions of insecurity ranging from pockets of violence across the country to full-scale war in the east.…”

Section: The Congo's Conflicts In Historical Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Disarming war, arming peace: The Congo crisis, Dag Hammarskjöld’s legacy and the future role of MONUC in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Wanki

2011

Afr. J. Conflict Res.

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Only recently, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) celebrated fifty years since the territory gained independence from Belgium. But the truth be told, Congo is not yet free. In more ways than are easily fathomable, the country continues to be buffeted by various reincarnations of greed and chaos-some externally driven, others internally motivated. This paper begins with a historical contextualisation of the conflicts in the DRC, before proceeding to take stock of the organisation's balance sheet thus far as it grapples with imminent peacekeeping, peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction challenges in the country. Successes achieved by the United Nations Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) (now MONUSCO, the UN Organisation Stabilisation Mission in the DRC) are then pitted against setbacks in this regard. Finally, a prognosis of the UN's future role in the territory is built

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The International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) Insurgency in Northern Uganda

Cited by 13 publications

References 0 publications

Rebranding the State: Uganda's Strategic Use of the International Criminal Court

Rebranding the State: Uganda's Strategic Use of the International Criminal Court

Peace over Justice: The Acholi Religious Leaders Peace Initiative (ARLPI) vs. the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Northern Uganda

Disarming war, arming peace: The Congo crisis, Dag Hammarskjöld’s legacy and the future role of MONUC in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

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