The interaction between metrical structure and tone in Kera

Pearce, Mary

doi:10.1017/s095267570600090x

Cited by 34 publications

(35 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…This is demonstrated in (10). Following earlier work, we assume the perspective that feet can be an organizing constituent for tonal distributions, even when no claims about stress are involved (Zec, 1999;De Lacy, 2002;Pearce, 2006;Weidman & Rose, 2006;Shimoji, 2009;Breteler, forthcoming) . (10) { (σ µ σ µ ), (σ µµ ), (σ µ σ µµ ) } + µ (4) (bá.ká).pá.ta.kó 'they will hate' (5) tu.…”

Section: Falling Tonesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Layered feet laid bare in Copperbelt Bemba tone

Breteler

Kager

2017

AMP

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In this paper, we identify a new type of ternarity found in bounded tone spreading in Copperbelt Bemba (Bickmore & Kula 2013).We argue that this ternarity must be metrical in nature, because it is quantity-sensitive and therefore not capturable in a straightforward counting rule.Traditional binary feet approaches to ternarity hinge on the minimal presence of unparsed syllables.However, ternarity in Copperbelt Bemba can occur in the presence of a multitude of unparsed syllables.Consequently, we argue that Copperbelt Bemba demands a larger foot constituent.We apply layered feet (Martínez-Paricio & Kager, 2013) to the analysis of the pattern, proposing that the foot in Copperbelt Bemba has an inner iamb and a monomoraic adjunct.The data is complicated by cases of falling tones on heavy syllables. We propose that these are reflections of syllable integrity violating feet, and point to other cases where this representational device has been used. Thus, we identify Copperbelt Bemba as the first instance of a blended foot, which allows more syllable integrity violations than syllabic feet, but fewer than moraic feet.

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Section: Falling Tonesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Layered feet laid bare in Copperbelt Bemba tone

Breteler

Kager

2017

AMP

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“…Some analyses account for tone doubling with a rule or constraint requiring binary tone association (Hyman and Ngunga 1994;Odden 1998b;Bickmore 1999), while others induce general spreading, but constrain it to apply minimally (Cassimjee and Kisseberth 1998). Foot-based spreading is a popular alternative, and has been proposed for several languages including Shanghai and Lhasa Tibetan (Duanmu 1992(Duanmu , 1993, Sukuma (Bradshaw 1998), Lamba (Bickmore 2003;de Lacy 2001), N. Karanga Shona (Topintzi 2003), Yabem (Hansson 2004), Bambara (Leben 2003;Weidman and Rose 2006) and Kera (Pearce 2006). Whichever mechanism induces binary spreading, binarity is best defined in terms of moras.…”

Section: Verbs With Light Syllables: H-h and H-lmentioning

confidence: 99%

High tone in Moro: effects of prosodic categories and morphological domains

Jenks

Rose

2011

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper presents a description and analysis of the tonal system of Moro, a Kordofanian language of Sudan, showing that the distribution of H(igh) tone is sensitive to a number of morphological and prosodic factors. First, we demonstrate that the distribution of H on nouns is sensitive to the OCP, both within roots and with affixes. Nouns also exhibit lexical distinctions between forms that exhibit unbounded rightward spreading of H and those that show no spreading. We model this distinction using cophonologies. While the distribution of H on Moro verb stems bears someWe are immensely grateful to our Moro speakers, Elyasir Julima and Ikhlas Elahmer, for sharing their language with us. We thank audiences at the 45 th Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, the Annual Conference on African Linguistics 37 and 40, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the University of Florida, the University of California, Santa Barbara and Harvard University for useful feedback and comments. We appreciate in-depth comments and discussion from Eric Baković, Larry Hyman, Victor Manfredi, Andrew Nevins, David Odden, and participants in the San Diego Phonology Interest Group and UCSD Phonetics Laboratory meetings. The members of the Moro Language Project, particularly Farrell Ackerman and George Gibbard, helped in numerous, immeasurable ways in both checking the data and refining the analysis. Finally, two anonymous reviewers and the associate editors, Michael Kenstowicz and Junko Itô, provided us with challenging comments and advice for improving the paper, for which we are grateful. Portions of Sect. 4 of this paper will appear with a slightly different analysis under the title 'Syllable weight and high tone in Moro' in Proceedings from the Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society 45. This material is based upon research supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. 0745973 'Moro Language Project'. Any opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation (NSF). P. Jenks ( ) Department of Linguistics, Harvard University, 3rd Floor, Boylston Hall, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA e-mail: pjenks@fas.harvard.edu S. Rose Department of Linguistics, University of California, San Diego, 9500 Gilman Drive #108, La Jolla, CA 92093-0108, USA e-mail: rose@ling.ucsd.edu 212 P. Jenks, S. Rose similarities to nouns, crucial differences emerge. Rightward H tone spreading is binary on verbs, and sensitive to the weight of the syllable in terms of both the presence of an onset and a coda. We model this effect as H tone spreading within a binary foot. Furthermore, unlike nouns, underlying representations play little role in the distribution of H on verb roots. H tone is predictably distributed within a morphological category, the derived stem (D-stem), similar to a constituent recognized in Bantu languages (e.g. Downing 2000). Finally, we analyze competition between H associated with ...

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“…5 Pearce (2006aPearce ( , 2007a claims that these processes demonstrate foot structure and iambicity, and that there is a strong relationship between the metrical structure and tone and vowel harmony.…”

Section: Syllable Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

“…There appears to be a maximum of two tones per mono-morphemic word, but this restriction may simply be a reflection of word length together with the fact that in words with three syllables or more, only heavy syllables can carry tone (Pearce 2006a). Syllables which are not specified for tone gain their pitch from interpolation.…”

Section: Tonementioning

confidence: 99%

Kera

Pearce¹

2011

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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Kera is an Eastern Chadic language spoken by about 50,000 people in southwestern Chad, south of the town of Fianga, and in major towns of Cameroon and Chad. Most Kera speakers would claim to speak a standard variety of Kera although there is some variation depending on gender and location. The differences involve the relationship between tone and voicing, the number of contrastive tones and the presence or absence of a voicing contrast. Women are more conservative than men in the use of tone in rural settings and more innovative than men in urban settings (Pearce 2009).

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The interaction between metrical structure and tone in Kera

Cited by 34 publications

References 29 publications

Layered feet laid bare in Copperbelt Bemba tone

Layered feet laid bare in Copperbelt Bemba tone

High tone in Moro: effects of prosodic categories and morphological domains

Kera

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