Abstract:Occupational health in agriculture is a significant public health issue in industrialised agricultural nations. This article reports on 26 in-depth interviews with farmers throughout New Zealand. Farmers are exposed to a range of technologies which place them at risk of injury and disease and/or prevent injury and disease. In this article these technologies are respectively conceptualised as technologies of harm and technologies of care. Despite being vulnerable to high rates of injury, fatality and occupation… Show more
“…As suggested earlier, the extant literature on farming identity and masculinity points to a prioritisation of rugged, hard‐bodied masculinity associated with hard work (Brandth ), which has led to a conclusion that a move away from the masculine ideal in older age may bring a period of crisis (Garnham and Bryant ). Many of the interviewees made reference to bodily capabilities, both explicitly and more implicitly, through statements such as ‘the old body creaking a bit’ (J) and ‘not being as fit as I once was’ (I), but importantly these were commonly set within wider narratives in which the body might be seen as a bearer of symbolic capital (Lovelock ; Shilling ). One approach taken to negating any bodily deficiencies or, to borrow Lovelock's (, p. 579) term, allowing the body to ‘recede from focus’ was via the use of technology.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Many of the interviewees made reference to bodily capabilities, both explicitly and more implicitly, through statements such as ‘the old body creaking a bit’ (J) and ‘not being as fit as I once was’ (I), but importantly these were commonly set within wider narratives in which the body might be seen as a bearer of symbolic capital (Lovelock ; Shilling ). One approach taken to negating any bodily deficiencies or, to borrow Lovelock's (, p. 579) term, allowing the body to ‘recede from focus’ was via the use of technology. The two following examples illustrate this approach:I always say ‘I'm still as fast as anyone at rounding the sheep in [pause] when I'm on the quad bike’.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For others, their approach to taking the focus away from the body was to make reference to working through any pain. References, for example, to ‘sucking it up and getting on with it’ (S) and ‘forgetting about the pain on my knee and just gritting my teeth and keep getting the job done’ (A) could be seen as ‘absenting the body’ (Lovelock ) – a process that Bourdieu () suggested is central to identity formation – and which allowed the farmers to adhere to the masculine farming ideals of stoicism and hard work (Alston and Kent ) as well as continue to undertake the symbolically important tasks associated with being the good farmer. A further way in which the ageing body was referred to by farmers was as a testament to their farming history.…”
Recent discussions in this journal have observed the importance of ‘good farming’ ideals and the subject position of ‘good farmer’ to farming practices. This article explores how farmers (re)negotiate their position as a good farmer in older age. Drawing on Bourdieusian‐inspired discussions of good farming, the article explores the experiences of farmers in Hampshire and West Sussex,UK, over the age of 65, who continue working on their farms. It is seen that remaining ‘in place’ is important to the maintenance of their farming identity, facilitating as it does their ability to continue to draw on the symbolic capital of their farms and their farming history. Alongside this, the way that they perform, and talk about, their day‐to‐day tasks and the symbolically important activities on the farm allows them to counter many of the culturally dominant scripts of ageing. Significant in navigating older age is the embodiment of cultural capital and how farmers both utilise and narrate their ageing bodies. It is concluded that while it does not lead to new symbols of good farming per se, moving into older age does (re)shape how such symbols are developed and utilised.
“…As suggested earlier, the extant literature on farming identity and masculinity points to a prioritisation of rugged, hard‐bodied masculinity associated with hard work (Brandth ), which has led to a conclusion that a move away from the masculine ideal in older age may bring a period of crisis (Garnham and Bryant ). Many of the interviewees made reference to bodily capabilities, both explicitly and more implicitly, through statements such as ‘the old body creaking a bit’ (J) and ‘not being as fit as I once was’ (I), but importantly these were commonly set within wider narratives in which the body might be seen as a bearer of symbolic capital (Lovelock ; Shilling ). One approach taken to negating any bodily deficiencies or, to borrow Lovelock's (, p. 579) term, allowing the body to ‘recede from focus’ was via the use of technology.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Many of the interviewees made reference to bodily capabilities, both explicitly and more implicitly, through statements such as ‘the old body creaking a bit’ (J) and ‘not being as fit as I once was’ (I), but importantly these were commonly set within wider narratives in which the body might be seen as a bearer of symbolic capital (Lovelock ; Shilling ). One approach taken to negating any bodily deficiencies or, to borrow Lovelock's (, p. 579) term, allowing the body to ‘recede from focus’ was via the use of technology. The two following examples illustrate this approach:I always say ‘I'm still as fast as anyone at rounding the sheep in [pause] when I'm on the quad bike’.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For others, their approach to taking the focus away from the body was to make reference to working through any pain. References, for example, to ‘sucking it up and getting on with it’ (S) and ‘forgetting about the pain on my knee and just gritting my teeth and keep getting the job done’ (A) could be seen as ‘absenting the body’ (Lovelock ) – a process that Bourdieu () suggested is central to identity formation – and which allowed the farmers to adhere to the masculine farming ideals of stoicism and hard work (Alston and Kent ) as well as continue to undertake the symbolically important tasks associated with being the good farmer. A further way in which the ageing body was referred to by farmers was as a testament to their farming history.…”
Recent discussions in this journal have observed the importance of ‘good farming’ ideals and the subject position of ‘good farmer’ to farming practices. This article explores how farmers (re)negotiate their position as a good farmer in older age. Drawing on Bourdieusian‐inspired discussions of good farming, the article explores the experiences of farmers in Hampshire and West Sussex,UK, over the age of 65, who continue working on their farms. It is seen that remaining ‘in place’ is important to the maintenance of their farming identity, facilitating as it does their ability to continue to draw on the symbolic capital of their farms and their farming history. Alongside this, the way that they perform, and talk about, their day‐to‐day tasks and the symbolically important activities on the farm allows them to counter many of the culturally dominant scripts of ageing. Significant in navigating older age is the embodiment of cultural capital and how farmers both utilise and narrate their ageing bodies. It is concluded that while it does not lead to new symbols of good farming per se, moving into older age does (re)shape how such symbols are developed and utilised.
“…Cultural capital is acquired through demonstrable knowledge and expertise and is often embodied -with long-lasting dispositions of the body and mind, cultural capital is also referred to as physical capital. Symbolic capital refers to honour and prestige, with the body bearing symbolic value (Shilling 2008;Lovelock 2012). Thus, the physical act of caring for the elderly is permeated with social, cultural and symbolic capital which is transferred across place and space (through migration) and the embodiment is negotiated within a new sociopolitical context (Shilling 2008).…”
Section: Theorymentioning
confidence: 98%
“…Emotions are culturally shaped and are central to morality (which is also culturally shaped). Emotions are central to shaping decision-making and behavioural outcomes and trigger a particular kind of critical reflection -as such, they play a central role in the regulation, reproduction and preservation of social relationships (Lutz 1986;Lovelock 2012). Thus, from this perspective, when eldercare workers' speak of their 'feelings' about Ethnicity & Health 5 their labour and interactions with care recipients and co-workers, they are not expressing simply an individual psychological response, rather, their expressions are formed and expressed through language and symbolic references which have been shaped by their experience of transnational migration, being a member of a diaspora and with insecure migratory status these emotional expressions are shaped persuasively by displacement.…”
Central to understanding how this labour force issue is experienced by both caregivers and the elderly is the notion of subjective proximity and how emotional and moral trajectories serve to mediate the connection between the eldercare worker and workplace, the Filipino migrant eldercare relationship with employers, agencies and institutions; and, the transnational nature of this mobility and social and actual citizenship.
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