The Inflected Construction in the dialects of Sicily

Di, Vincenzo Nicolò

doi:10.1075/la.251.03dic

Cited by 10 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…Indeed, in some cognate Calabrian dialects the connective element is the same as the coordinating conjunction e from Latin ET (see Rohlfs 1969: §759). For this reason, the construction is treated as an instance of pseudo-coordination in several studies (see, e.g., Ledgeway 2016, Di Caro 2018. In any case, as argued in Cruschina (2013: 271), the origin of the connecting element is not relevant to the synchronic analysis of DIC, given that it is now desemanticized and contributes no meaning to the construction.…”

Section: Restructuring: An Integrated Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Other verbs may enter the construction as V1 is some dialects. See Di Caro (2018Caro ( , 2019 for a review of the additional motion verbs that can occur in DIC in different Sicilian varieties. On the special properties of send as V1, which involves both a motion and a causative semantics, see Todaro & Del Prete (2018) and Del Prete & Todaro (2020).…”

Section: Restructuring: An Integrated Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This is the most widespread defective paradigm in Sicily, but is apparently not the only possible distribution found on the island (seeDi Caro 2018 for the patterns of variation).…”

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Fifty shades of morphosyntactic microvariation

Cruschina¹,

Calabrese²

2020

Formal Approaches to Romance Morphosyntax

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In this paper, we analyse Motion Verb Constructions (MVCs) in southern Italian dialects, especially in Sicily and Apulia, which provide an ideal illustration of morphosyntactic microvariation. Depending on the grammatical status of the motion verb, we can distinguish between MVCs in which a lexical verb selects a purpose clause and those that involve a restructuring configuration where the motion verb behaves as a functional verb. We focus on the latter configuration and show that in these MVCs, the second verb can occur either as an infinitive or as a verb inflected for the same features as the motion verb. Following the most recent developments in Distributed Morphology, we then offer an analysis of the morphosyntactic and word-internal structure that surfaces as periphrastic morphology, and propose that the difference between the infinitival restructuring and double inflection is due to the nature of the agreement node within the verbal complex. Within this account, double inflection is simply viewed as a case of agreement within the extended vP which arises independently from restructuring. Finally, the defective paradigm of some MVCs and the configurations in which the motion verb has become a prefixal element are discussed and analysed as the result of specific wordinternal morphological operations.

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Section: Restructuring: An Integrated Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Restructuring: An Integrated Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Fifty shades of morphosyntactic microvariation

Cruschina¹,

Calabrese²

2020

Formal Approaches to Romance Morphosyntax

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“…Although they are known to display a defective paradigm in some varieties (Cardinaletti and Giusti 2001, Cruschina 2013, Manzini and Savoia 2005, Di Caro and Giusti 2015, Di Caro 2017, it is clear that DICs differ from idiomatic constructions, whose meaning is completely frozen and non-compositional, and they are the result of productive morphosyntactic processes: indeed, they are attested in the indicative and imperative mood, in both the present and (imperfective and perfective) past tense in at least some varieties of Sicilian (see type 2 discussed in section 2.1.1). 9…”

Section: No Idiomaticitymentioning

confidence: 99%

The morphosyntax-semantics interface and the Sicilian Doubly Inflected Construction

Todaro

Prete

2019

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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We examine the Doubly Inflected Construction of Sicilian (DIC, Cruschina 2013; also known as Inflected Construction, Cardinaletti and Giusti 2001, 2003), in which a motion verb V1 is followed by an event verb V2, both verbs being inflected for the same person and TAM features. We propose to regard DIC as a Serial Verb Construction and analyze it in terms of an operation of lexical concatenation, whereby V1 and V2 are semantically composed as lexical verbs denoting spatio-temporally contiguous events and displaying argument sharing, to yield a complex predicate denoting concatenated events. The data we consider crucially include the causative motion verb 'send' and bring out a mismatch between the person features realized on V1 and V2 and semantic interpretation. We show how our analysis allows for a principled account of the morphology-semantics mismatch. The semantic analysis is implemented in a neo-Davidsonian framework (Parsons 1990).

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“…o scrisoare. of evidence for the PRO hypothesis, adduced byTerzi (1996), is the contrast inSalentino (82), where in the absence of the complementizer, the clitic may (but need not) climb to theCardinaletti and Giusti (forthcoming) propose that Salentino has two different structures: one with the complementizer ku parallel to Romanian să in (81a), which does not allow clitic climbing (83a), the other is parallel to the 'Inflected Construction' found with motion verbs in Sicilian(Cardinaletti and Giusti 2001;Cruschina 2013;Di Caro 2018; Del Prete and Todaro 2019), which is a monoclausal complex event construction and, as such, displays obligatory clitic climbing (83b) (also see .ACC.M.SG go.IND.1SG a buy.IND.1SG every day22.6 ConclusionsIn this chapter, we have presented the major contributions provided by the linguistic literature analysing different types of dependencies in Romance languages. All of these analyses aim to relate the relative richness in inflexional morphology to variation in word order, argument marking, agreement, and the realization of pronominal reference.…”

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confidence: 99%