The Indo-Iranian Construction mana (mama) kr̥tam

Cardona, George

doi:10.2307/412403

Cited by 26 publications

(13 citation statements)

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“…The subject DP in the past transitive clause in NG bears an oblique case. Examples (7b-d), repeated here as (17a-c), illustrate the case: It has extensively been discussed by scholars working on the ergative construction in Iranian languages that Kurdish past transitive constructions, which have come to be termed ergative, are historically derived from resultative past participle constructions in the earlier stages of the language (Bynon 1979(Bynon , 1980(Bynon , 2005Cardona 1970;Haig 2008;Karimi 2010aKarimi , 2010bTrask 1979). More specifically, Karimi (2010aKarimi ( , 2010b brings evidence from Old Persian that the ergative construction in Kurdish has evolved from a past participle construction and that the past transitive verb still retains the nominal properties of the past participle.…”

Section: Where There Is Agreementmentioning

confidence: 96%

Extending defective intervention effects

Karimi¹

2013

The Linguistic Review

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In this paper, I explore the Defective Intervention effects in the past transitive structures in two dialects of Kurdish, where variation is found in how agreement shows up on the verb. In the Northern dialect, in the presence of a Dative subject, the verb displays full agreement with the Nominative object (in person and number), whereas, in the Central dialect, in the same context, the default third person singular agreement obtains. It will be shown that the Defective Intervention as proposed in Chomsky (2000) and assumed in much subsequent work in the Minimalist Program is not adequate to explain the varied pattern of agreement attested in Kurdish past transitive structures. Drawing on the structural differences in the past transitive constructions in the two dialects, I will introduce a modification into the current formulation of Defective Intervention to the effect that in Dative-Nominative structures, agreement with the Nominative DP is blocked by the intervention of a φ-complete head that licenses the Dative DP and not by the intervention of the Dative DP itself. This approach to Defective Intervention predicts that in structures where the Dative DP is licensed by a φ-incomplete head, the Defective Intervention effects will not arise.

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Section: Where There Is Agreementmentioning

confidence: 96%

Extending defective intervention effects

Karimi¹

2013

The Linguistic Review

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“…Accordingly, based on these two observations, he maintains that the past participle construction in Old Persian was a possessive one and not passive. Cardona (1970) argues against Benveniste's (1966) analysis and states that there are passive structures in Old Persian in which the agent noun bears a genitive case and, therefore, the mere presence of the genitive case on a noun does not imply that a structure is possessive. Cardona (1970) suggests that the past participle construction in Old Persian was passive with a genitive agent.…”

Section: The Past Participle Construction In Old Persianmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Cardona (1970) argues against Benveniste's (1966) analysis and states that there are passive structures in Old Persian in which the agent noun bears a genitive case and, therefore, the mere presence of the genitive case on a noun does not imply that a structure is possessive. Cardona (1970) suggests that the past participle construction in Old Persian was passive with a genitive agent. Statha-Halikas (1979) states that Cardona's arguments concerning the structure of the past participle construction in Old Persian were not strong enough.…”

Section: The Past Participle Construction In Old Persianmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The linguists who have addressed themselves to the issue of the origin of ergativity in Iranian languages share the idea that the ergative construction is the natural extension and development of a "past participle construction" attested in the earlier stages of these languages (Benveniste, 1966;Cardona, 1970;Haig, 2008;Skjaervø, 1983;Statha-Halikas, 1979;Trask, 1979). As discussed before, due to the paucity of data of the earlier stages of the Iranian languages exhibiting ergativity, I will focus on data from Old and Middle Persian to investigate the trajectory of the development of ergativity.…”

Section: Old Persian: the First Stagementioning

confidence: 99%

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The Evolution of Ergativity in Iranian Languages

Karimi¹

2012

ALA

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This paper presents an attempt to investigate the origins of ergativity in Iranian languages, drawing upon diachronic and synchronic analyses. In so doing, I will trace the development of the ergative structure back to Old and Middle Persian where, it is argued, the roots of ergativity lie. I will specifically show that the ergative pattern as currently obtained in the grammatical structure of some Iranian languages has evolved from a periphrastic past participle construction, the analogue of which is attested in Old Persian. It will further be argued that the predecessor past participle construction imparted a resultative construal in Old Persian and, subsequently, in the transition to Middle Persian, has assumed a simple past reading. The bottom-line of the analysis will be represented as a proposal regarding the nature of the ergative verb, to the effect that an ergative verb, as opposed to a regular (non-ergative) transitive verb, is semantically transitive, but syntactically intransitive.Keywords ergative structure; resultatives; past participle; Old Persian; Iranian languages IzvlečekČlanek poskuša z diahrono in sinhrono analizo prikazati izvor ergativnosti v iranskih jezikih. Avtor sledi razvoju ergativne strukture vse od stare in srednje perzijščine, kamor naj bi segale korenine ergativnosti, in pokaže, da se je ergativni vzorec, ki je prisoten v slovničnih strukturah nekaterih iranskih jezikov, razvil iz perifrastičnega preteklega deležnika, katerega vzporednice so najdene v stari perzijščini. Avtor trdi, da je predhodni pretekli deležnik vodil do nastanka rezultativov v stari perzijščini in je posledično ob prehodu v srednjo perzijščino privedel do enostavnega preteklika. V zadnjem delu analize avtor predstavi naravo ergativnih glagolov in predlaga, da so ergativni glagoli, v nasprotju z običajnimi (ne-ergativnimi) prehodnimi glagoli, semantično prehodni, a skladenjsko neprehodni.Ključne besede ergativna struktura; rezultativnost; pretekli deležnik; Stara perzijščina; Iranski jeziki * I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer of ALA for insightful comments and helpful suggestions.Thanks are also due to Mojtaba Monshizadeh of Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, for sharing with me his ideas and insights concerning some of the issues raised in an earlier draft of the paper.24 Yadgar KARIMI

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“…Ergative constructions of Indo-Iranian languages are traditionally characterized as passive-like, involving a demoted agent bearing an instrumental inflection, as in classical Sanskrit (Cardona 1970;Bynon 2005). On the other hand an important stream of literature connects ergative structure with possession structures; for instance, Montaut (2004: 39) quotes Benveniste's (1966: 176-86) conclusion that "the Old Persian structure […] is under the umbrella of dependent case (Marantz 2000;Baker & Vinokurova 2010, among others).…”

Section: The Ergative As Dative and As Instrumentalmentioning

confidence: 99%

Instrumental prepositions and case: Contexts of occurrence and alternations with datives

Franco

Manzini

2017

Volume 2

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We will argue that instrumentals are the mirror image of dative/genitive obliques. We propose that both sets of adpositions/cases are elementary predicates, expressing a zonal inclusion (partwhole/possession relation); instrumentals reverse the direction of the relation with respect to datives/genitives. Our claim is that with-type morphemes provide very elementary means of attaching extra participants (themes, initiators, etc.) to events (VP or vP predicates) -with specialized interpretations derived by pragmatic enrichment (contextual, encyclopedic) at the C-I interface. We will extend our proposal to account for the observation that the instrumentals can be employed cross-linguistically in triadic verb constructions alternating with datives and we will broaden our discussion to account for dative/instrumental syncretism (eventually including DOM objects), arguing that the inclusion predicate (⊆) corresponding to 'to' or dative case and its reverse (⊇), corresponding to 'with' or instrumental case, may reduce to an even more primitive content capable of conveying inclusion in either direction. Finally, we will address ergative alignments, showing that languages may attach external arguments/agents either as possessors (⊆) or as causers (⊇) of a given event/state, yielding the two most widespread patterns of syncretism of the ergative morpheme, that is with either instrumentals or genitives/datives.

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The Indo-Iranian Construction mana (mama) kr̥tam

Cited by 26 publications

References 0 publications

Extending defective intervention effects

Extending defective intervention effects

The Evolution of Ergativity in Iranian Languages

Instrumental prepositions and case: Contexts of occurrence and alternations with datives

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