The ideas of 1789 or solidarity unbound

Abstract

The ideas of 1789 or solidarity unbound A sceptical appraisalOne of the main objectives of Hauke Brunkhorst in his book Solidarity is to show how the democratic concept of solidarity, born out of the ideas of 1789, can be extended to a globalized world and help us frame and confront the problems of economic, socio-cultural and legal exclusion associated with globalization. We can all recognize the particular challenge that globalization represents for democratic theory and practice: the so-called sovereign nation-state has lost some (although by no means all) of its relevance in the context of a globalized world as the main locus for economic, legal and political decision-making while remaining a kind of horizon indépassable for both democratic theory and practice. It is not clear at all how we can transpose or extend democratic mechanisms, democratic structures, democratic citizenship beyond the boundaries of the national state. As Brunkhorst writes: what we are faced with is 'national de-democratisation without international democratisation' (118).In the first chapter of his book, Brunkhorst outlines a normative concept of solidarity, showing how it developed out of the third idea of the triad Liberté, égalité, fraternité. Brunkhorst shows the specificity of the revolutionary concept of fraternity by contrasting it to two of its main historical sources: the classical idea of civic friendship and the Judeo-Christian notion of brotherhood. In the third section of the chapter, Brunkhorst goes on to show how the ideas of 1789 already imply the requirement of the extension of solidarity from the nation to humanity. 'Since the French revolution', writes Brunkhorst at the end of the chapter, 'the normative horizon of the state citizen has been the status of the world citizen, which transforms the old ideas of civic solidarity PSC

Belonging, Social Cohesion and Fundamental British Values

“…Many of the often complex debates central to the topic of social cohesion have their origins in contrasting interpretations of the fundamental commitments and traditions to be found in conceptualisations of the ideal relationship between citizens (Leydet 2006, Honohan 2008, Mokrosinska 2012. Whilst not all debates, admittedly, are purely philosophical, the modelling of the relationship between citizens and the state and how this may be sustained through the generations has a long history in philosophical writing around what holds society together, what provides unity and how diverse persons can live together.…”

Images and identity: Children constructing a sense of belonging to Europe

“…The sense of belonging together within such ‘citizen identities’ was believed to be crucial for underpinning the ties of solidarity on which the shared reciprocities needed to support communal living rested (Brodie, 2002; Mason, 2000). The basic premise is that we are more likely to discharge our obligations and develop shared virtues of trust and mutual respect when we have a shared sense of group identification (Healy, 2013; Leydet, 2006; Tajfel, 1979, 1982). Nevertheless, such arguments are increasingly challenged and reinterpreted from a variety of perspectives.…”

The boundaries of transnational democracy: alternatives to the all-affected principle

“…But re-nationalisation might be the more compelling alternative, since, as Dominique Leydet argues, we cannot expect that the "totality of addressees" of global norms will ever be able to exercise its sovereignty rights. 78 Thus, while the subject-to-the-law principle could lend support to transnational democratisation, its recommendations are more restricted and specific than those following from the allaffected principle. It does not justify sweeping claims for global democracy, but it might suggest that specific institutions like the European Union and other international legislative bodies should be democratically accountable to those who are subject to the laws that they issue.…”