2020
DOI: 10.1177/0069966720914055
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The mohol: The hidden power structure of Bangladesh local politics

Abstract: It is a common view that power in Bangladesh is exercised through patron–client forms of exchange. These patron–client relationships are held together by moral proximity and intimacy and are diffused and multidimensional. Most recently, Basu et al. (2018, Politics and Governance in Bangladesh: Uncertain Landscapes, 1–16. London: Routledge) argue for the persuasive presence of patron–client relationships and its role as the informal, ‘real’ structure as opposed to the formal state structure. The portrait, howev… Show more

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Cited by 13 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…In addition, the participation of a significant number of women in the CMC is disrespectful to the traditional "Samaj" system, which is characterized by a patriarchal structure that makes it difficult for women's opinions to be taken into consideration (Devine andWhite 2013, Masud-All-Kamal andNursey-Bray 2021). It is extremely difficult for (poor) women to be sustained as a collective or to become "change agents" (Huang 2017) because of social inequality and power structures in rural communities dominated by wealthy male elites and patron-client relationships (Karim 2011, Dewan et al 2014, Ruud 2020. Without taking any measures to improve women's ability to contribute to CMCs, their engagement will merely lead to "participatory exclusion" (Agarwal 2001(Agarwal :1623.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…In addition, the participation of a significant number of women in the CMC is disrespectful to the traditional "Samaj" system, which is characterized by a patriarchal structure that makes it difficult for women's opinions to be taken into consideration (Devine andWhite 2013, Masud-All-Kamal andNursey-Bray 2021). It is extremely difficult for (poor) women to be sustained as a collective or to become "change agents" (Huang 2017) because of social inequality and power structures in rural communities dominated by wealthy male elites and patron-client relationships (Karim 2011, Dewan et al 2014, Ruud 2020. Without taking any measures to improve women's ability to contribute to CMCs, their engagement will merely lead to "participatory exclusion" (Agarwal 2001(Agarwal :1623.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although women cannot remain a collective or become "change agents" (Huang 2017), co-management adopts the same "counter-elite tactic" as other community-based projects (Wong 2010). In rural areas, affluent male elites and patron-client connections reduce the effectiveness of addressing disadvantaged women (Karim 2011, Dewan et al 2014, Ruud 2020). As a result, no upper-class community member is ready to cooperate with "poor women" or participate in female-led projects (Sultana 2014, White 2017).…”
Section: Co-management Success May Be Hindered By Disregarding Local ...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…According to Ref. [97], adopting participatory conservation projects has resulted in the emergence of new organizations that "fight" for the financial incentives derived from these resources.…”
Section: Salient Issues and Challenges Of Sustainabilitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Some NGOs are bypassing local institutions to form communities, and in doing so, they try to involve female participants but ignore the class-based, hierarchical, and gendered rural unit, locally known as "samaj." The efficacy of focusing on disadvantaged women is limited by class divisions and power structures in rural areas controlled by wealthy male elites and patron-client interactions [63,97]. Due to hierarchical and gendered societal conventions, persons of the upper stratum of society are unwilling to cooperate with "poor women" or participate in project activities headed by women [98,99].…”
Section: Salient Issues and Challenges Of Sustainabilitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Their fathers and husbands are former powerful figures and their sons are under grooming to inherit the political structures. Both woman and their families have retained the control of Bangladesh's two leading political parties, the Bangladesh Awami League and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (Hindustan Times, 2013; Ruud, 2020;Basu, Devine & Wood, 2018;Ruud & Mohammad, 2016). In Pakistan, slain former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was daughter to former President and Prime Minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%