The history of method and theory in the study of prehistoric puebloan pottery style in the American Southwest

Graves, Michael W.

doi:10.1007/bf02428420

Cited by 10 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 71 publications

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“…Culture historians purposefully constructed and evaluated artifact classes, often ceramic types, to construct chronologies. These types measured cultural transmission (subsequently modified types often did not [Graves 1998]), although culture historians understood this in implicit or commonsense terms. Similarly, the mapped historical relationships, the quintessential time-space charts, were explained by implicit or ad hoc processes drawn from ethnography and sociocultural anthropology, processes that explained homologous similarity in those disciplines: migration, diffusion, trade, and the like.…”

Section: Ethan E Cochranementioning

confidence: 99%

Fijian Polygenesis and the Melanesian/Polynesian Divide

Burley¹

2013

Current Anthropology

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Cultural, linguistic, and phenotypic differences between Fijian and West Polynesian peoples demarcate the historically defined Melanesian/Polynesian divide. As both regions are claimed to have a common Lapita ancestry, the question of how Fijians became Fijian and not Polynesian is addressed. A 3,000-year-long process of polygenesis is argued, beginning initially with a founder event and interaction sphere discrete from West Polynesia. Polygenesis subsequently amplifies through engagement with and outright immigration by groups from both the west and east.

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Section: Ethan E Cochranementioning

confidence: 99%

Fijian Polygenesis and the Melanesian/Polynesian Divide

Burley¹

2013

Current Anthropology

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“…Regardless, Hill never realized (or at least did not point out) that his own work on pottery from east-central Arizona was built specifically around "normative behavior." Martin (1970, p. 196), an intellectual and financial supporter of the ceramic studies of Hill, Longacre, and others (Graves, 1998;Longacre, 2000), endorsed Hill's (1970a) opinion of normative theory, adding that it is "stultifying" and that it and concepts like it "muddy the waters and retard methodological and theoretical advances. .…”

Section: Early Mischaracterizationsmentioning

confidence: 93%

A History of Normative Theory in Americanist Archaeology

Lyman

O’Brien

2004

J Archaeol Method Theory

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Efforts in the 1960s to demonstrate the value of the "new archaeology" involvedshowing that the competing culture-history paradigm was inferior. One allegedly weak plank in that paradigm had to do with how culture historians viewed cultureas a set of ideas transmitted in the form of ideal norms or mental templates. Lewis Binford referred to this view as "normative theory." In archaeology that view was manifest in the equation of artifact types with prehistoric norms-an equation that, according to Binford, the culture historians had made so that they could track the flow of ideas through time and thus write culture history. Culture historians regularly subscribed to cultural transmission as the theoretical backdrop for their artifact-based chronometers such as seriation and the direct historical approach, but with few exceptions they perceived only a weak relationship between norms and artifact types. It was not until 1960, in a paper by James Gifford, that what Binford labeled as normative theory appeared in anything approaching a complete form. Ironically, the first applications of normative theory were products of the new archaeologists, not the culture historians.

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Analysing Pottery

2002

The Archaeologist’s Laboratory

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The history of method and theory in the study of prehistoric puebloan pottery style in the American Southwest

Cited by 10 publications

References 71 publications

Fijian Polygenesis and the Melanesian/Polynesian Divide

Fijian Polygenesis and the Melanesian/Polynesian Divide

A History of Normative Theory in Americanist Archaeology

Analysing Pottery

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