The History of a Dormant Institution: Legal Norms and the Practice of Recall in Switzerland

Serdült, Uwe

doi:10.1080/00344893.2015.1056219

Cited by 13 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 9 publications

(2 reference statements)

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“…Three sets of – sometimes – interrelated variables have been offered to explain the frequency of recall attempts and votes: attitudinal variables, that is, citizen discontent (Garret, 2004; Qvortrup, 2011; Serdült, 2015); institutional variables, that is, the ease of activation (Geissel and Jung, 2018; Welp, 2016); and actor-centered variables, particularly partisan motivations (Tuesta Soldevilla, 2014; Welp and Milanese, 2018). We suggest a fourth variable, the role of EMBs in allowing or preventing recall attempts, a role conditioned by the law and the level of autonomy of the institution.…”

Section: State Of the Artmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Only recently have a few scholarly works focused on how and where it has been introduced and activated. 3 It has been related to scandals producing a strong public reaction, contexts of citizen dissatisfaction with representative democracy, as well as the impact of digital media in facilitating campaigns (Serdült, 2015; Whitehead, 2018). But as the availability of recall increases the repertoire of all political actors, for example, citizens, parties, and social organizations, the frequency of activation has also been related to the ease of activation and/or the incentives political actors have to activate recall against their opponents (Geissel and Jung, 2018; Welp, 2016).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“… 3. Among others, for the USA see Qvortrup (2011), Garret (2004); for Switzerland, Serdült (2015); for Germany, Geissel and Jung (2018); for Perú, Tuesta Soldevilla (2014), Welp (2016); for Colombia Welp and Milanese (2018), for Moldova, Miscoiu (2019). …”

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confidence: 99%

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Understanding the use of recall referendums: Evidence from Ecuador

Welp

Castellanos

2019

International Political Science Review

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The recall referendum – a referendum triggered by citizens seeking to remove elected officials by means of a binding vote – used to be a rare institution, but since the 1990s has spread in different areas of the world. The frequency of its activation has been explained by three sets of sometimes interconnected variables: growing citizen dissatisfaction, institutional design (i.e. ease of activation), and the activity of political parties using the mechanism against their opponents, specially in contexts of low party-system institutionalization. This article proposes an additional variable: the role of electoral management bodies (EMBs) in allowing or preventing recall attempts. The empirical analysis focuses on the Ecuadorian experience, where legal provisions governing recall were introduced in 1998, modified in 2008, and amended in 2011, with a dramatic variation in the frequency of recall activations after each change.

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Section: State Of the Artmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Understanding the use of recall referendums: Evidence from Ecuador

Welp

Castellanos

2019

International Political Science Review

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“…As Böckenförde stated, the "common will" of the people does not exist until it is summoned; the management of the procedure and the practical arrangements play a key role in the process of determination of this "common will". 7 4 See Sierès (1789) 154. 5 As already affirmed by Carl Schmitt "le plébiscite de tous le jours" is not a form of State.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Revisiting historical justifications of the recall procedures of elected representatives

Campodonico¹

2016

Hungarian Journal of Legal Studies

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This paper shows, using a history based methodology, the differences between the "people's initiative procedures" or "progressive model" and the "authoritative body-initiative procedures" or "plebiscitary model"two structural models for recall procedure. These two heuristic models will be inferred, respectively, by the recall procedures adopted in the U.S., starting from 1903, and the recall procedures adopted in some States of Europe, starting from the Weimar constitution of 1919. The political-constitutional reasons behind the evident structural differences ("bottom-up" and "top-down" procedures) will be explained by providing an historical reconstruction about the genesis of the idea of "the recall" in the first American constitutionalism (the "Antifederalist recall"). Then the political idea behind the "progressive model" will be considered with special attention paid to the Swiss direct democracy influence on the development of the American socialists idea of the recall. The other model will be contextualized by focusing on the constitutional debate of the Germany around the late 19 th and the early 20 th century. The abuse of both procedures will be presented in two recent cases of tested recall procedures, California and Romania. Both leaded to similar results. The importance both in understanding the reference model and in providing detailed and strictly juridical regulations is highlighted to avoid the risk of abuses of these procedures by the concrete political actors.

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Recall in Japan as a Measure of Vertical Accountability

Okamoto

Serdült

2020

The Politics of Recall Elections

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The History of a Dormant Institution: Legal Norms and the Practice of Recall in Switzerland

Cited by 13 publications

References 9 publications

Understanding the use of recall referendums: Evidence from Ecuador

Understanding the use of recall referendums: Evidence from Ecuador

Revisiting historical justifications of the recall procedures of elected representatives

Recall in Japan as a Measure of Vertical Accountability

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