“…"8 In many states, offenders pay both restitution and compensation, the latter of which is assessed to all offenders, regardless of if there was a direct victim in that situation; see also,Katzenstein and Waller (2015) andMartin and Fowle (2020).9 Two recent works discuss this in greater depth:Harris et al (2019) provide two case studies that demonstrate how private entities, which run court-ordered programs and prison services, profit from LFOs;Katzenstein et al (2020) discuss "commissions/kickbacks" which funnel fees to private entities when incarcerated people, their families, or their friends pay for the use of a prison phone, commissary, or other services.10 SeeNeedham et al (2020) for an ethnographic account of the confusion faced by those assessed legal debt in fine-only misdemeanor cases.11 See alsoLink's review (2022) which presents some conflicting evidence on the relationship between LFO debt and increased recidivism rates, including a list of studies that found null effects or inverse relationships. The author then conducts an analysis of prison reentry data from three cities and finds null effects, concluding that more research is needed to disentangle the precise impact of LFOs on recidivism.12 For a discussion of the process and legal context of bond conversion (i.e., the use of bail bonds to pay for LFOs), seeDiaz et al (2022).13While Bearden v. Georgia (1983) found that the court could not sentence a person to jail or prison for nonpayment of LFOs unless it held a hearing to determine that the person "willfully" did not pay, many jurisdictions, in practice, do not hold those hearings or interpret the idea of "willful nonpayment" through moralized and racialized ways that further penalize the individuals.…”