The Henderson Question? The Melbourne Institute and 50 Years of Welfare Policy

Gregory, Robert

doi:10.1111/j.1467-8462.2013.12021.x

Cited by 8 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 17 publications

(12 reference statements)

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“…Also, the absolute income gain of the income-poor between 2001 and 2005 was larger than that of the mean for all poverty lines, which implies that growth in this period can be also characterized as absolute pro-income poor. 26 For 26 Importantly, the larger growth of the income-poor could just be a consequence of the greater income mobility among those at the bottom of the distribution. To the best of our knowledge no methodological framework capable of distinguishing the e¤ects of growth and income mobility on the pro-poorness of growth has been proposed yet.…”

Section: Longitudinal Pro-poor Growth Measuresmentioning

confidence: 99%

Was Pro-Poor Economic Growth in Australia for the Income-Poor? And for the Multidimensionally-Poor?

Azpitarte

2013

Soc Indic Res

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We investigate the pro-poorness of Australia's strong economic growth in the …rst decade of the XXI century using anonymous and non-anonymous approaches to the measurement of pro-poor growth. The sensitivity of pro-poor growth evaluations to the de…nition of poverty is evaluated by comparing the results for the standard income-poverty measure with those based on a multidimensional de…nition of poverty. We …nd that Australian growth in this period can be only categorized as pro-poor according to the weakest concept of pro-poorness that does not require any bias of growth towards the poor. In addition, our results indicate that growth was clearly more pro-income poor than pro-multidimensionally poor. Counterfactual distribution analysis reveals that di¤erences in the distribution of health between these two groups is the non-income factor that most contributes to explain this result. Financial support from the Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (grant ECO2008-03484-C02-01/ECON and ECO2010-21668-C03-03) Xunta de Galicia (10SEC300023PR) is gratefully acknowledged. y This paper uses unit record data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) Survey. The HILDA Project was initiated and is funded by the Australian Government Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous A¤airs (FaHCSIA) and is managed by the

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Section: Longitudinal Pro-poor Growth Measuresmentioning

confidence: 99%

Was Pro-Poor Economic Growth in Australia for the Income-Poor? And for the Multidimensionally-Poor?

Azpitarte

2013

Soc Indic Res

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“…For these simulations pre-…scal incomes are in ‡ated (or de ‡ated) to the year of the tax and transfer system being considered by using the wage index base on average earnings for full-time workers provided by the Australian Bureau of Statistics. 13 Where income tax parameters are varied independently of the bene…t parameters, the former are also in ‡ated (or de ‡ated) to the year of the bene…t parameters by using the same wage index.…”

Section: Policy Evaluations: the Fixed-income Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

Recent Trends in Income Redistribution in Australia: Can Changes in the Tax-Transfer System Account for the Decline in Redistribution?

Herault

Azpitarte

2014

SSRN Journal

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We examine trends in the redistributive impact of the tax-transfer system in Australia between 1994 and 2009 using a framework that allows us to separate the contributions of taxes and benefits to overall income redistribution. Furthermore, we identify the effect of taxtransfer policy reforms on changes in income redistribution over the period by controlling for changes in the distribution of market incomes. We find that after reaching a peak value in the late 1990s, the redistributive impact of taxes and transfers steadily declined. Although reforms to the tax-transfer system contributed to the decline in redistribution, their contribution was limited.

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“…Client engagement is, however, increasingly seen as central to aged-care service development and provision, with growing calls for older people, regardless of their level of frailty, to have a voice – and control – in the services they receive as well as the policy that guides these. As well as being a prerequisite for the provision of person-centred care, engagement at its simplest level is an important part of service design and evaluation, and is used to facilitate the development of policies that are informed, appropriate and responsive, and that are delivered efficiently (Gregory 2007). Emerging discourses about power and citizenship that have highlighted the centrality of clients’ rights and responsibilities in care services have also driven a more fundamental philosophical shift in the way care is conceptualised and services are provided.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

What does client ‘engagement’ mean in aged care? An analysis of practice

Petriwskyj

Gibson

Webby³

2017

Ageing and Society

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Client engagement is an important part of contemporary aged care. However, the extent to which decisions are delegated to the older person, and the scope of issues about which decision making occurs, vary. The types of engagement that are offered to, and taken up by, aged-care clients have implications for the extent of power and influence older people hold. This paper reports on a qualitative study conducted in a large Australian service provider. It identifies the forms that client engagement takes in the aged-care context, the roles for staff and older people that are enacted through these activities, and the implications these have for power relationships and older people's influence. An inverse relationship was seen between the depth and scope of client influence, but a desire to address this suggested potential spaces for greater empowerment. A relationship was evident between the retention of control by staff and the perceived effectiveness of existing engagement strategies, highlighting the limitations of traditional power dynamics in engagement practice. An expanded model of engagement in aged care is proposed that recognises the foundational role of connection building as a facilitator of greater empowerment for older people. Implications for theory regarding engagement in aged care, and the practice of engagement in aged-care organisations, are discussed.

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The Henderson Question? The Melbourne Institute and 50 Years of Welfare Policy

Abstract: I discuss selected research contributions of the

Cited by 8 publications

References 17 publications

Was Pro-Poor Economic Growth in Australia for the Income-Poor? And for the Multidimensionally-Poor?

Was Pro-Poor Economic Growth in Australia for the Income-Poor? And for the Multidimensionally-Poor?

Recent Trends in Income Redistribution in Australia: Can Changes in the Tax-Transfer System Account for the Decline in Redistribution?

What does client ‘engagement’ mean in aged care? An analysis of practice

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