“The Government Is Operationalizing Neo-liberalism”: Women's Organizations, Status of Women Canada, and the Struggle for Progressive Social Change in Canada
“…According to a Coalition of BC Rape Crisis Centres auditor's report in 1970, each of their members' funding came primarily from the government (Coalition of BC Rape Crisis Centres 1979). Most of these organizations still depend on public funding (Beres et al 2009;Hayday 2005;Knight and Rodgers 2012;Masson 2015;Phillips 2000;Ramos 2008). Without any clear vision or philosophy informing state policy, though, funding remains largely dependent on the shifting concerns of the government.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…NGOs use public funding to provide services, engage in advocacy, or shape state policy. In turn, governments fund NGOs to further their own interests, particularly in the provision of public services (Clément ; Knight and Rodgers ; Masson ). According to Masson (), state funding would enable the Ministry to benefit from community organizations’ capacity for social animation, from their original experiments in service provision and from their social and political critique to ensure the healthy evolution of state‐provided welfare.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The scale and priorities of public funding for identity-based organizations is unknown. Previous research has been based on a handful of case studies or it focuses on a single government program or agency (Beer and Tremblay 2014;Brushett 2013;Corrigall-Brown and Ho 2015;Knight and Rodgers 2012;Pal 1993;Ramos 2008). Moreover, except for Masson's (2000Masson's ( , 2012Masson's ( , 2015 work on Quebec, research on state policy focuses on the federal government (Beres, Crow, and Gotell 2009;Brodie 1997Brodie , 2002Brodie , 2008Didier, Dufour, and Royall 2011;Dobrowolsky 2004Dobrowolsky , 2007Garon and Dufour 2010;Pal 1993;Phillips 2000).…”
This article examines how the state has used its spending power to shape the nonprofit sector in British Columbia since the 1960s. The province's thriving nonprofit sector and its polarized political culture provide an ideal case study for exploring the relationship between the state and nongovernmental organizations. The following study documents changes in state policy, the trajectory of funding, funding patterns, and organizations that have received state funding. Although public funding for nonprofits in Canada has been pervasive for decades, there is little empirical evidence on the nature and scope of this funding. This article is based on an innovative new database that provides a comprehensive list of grants from the provincial government to nonprofit organizations between 1960 and 2014. Despite concerns regarding cuts to public funding in recent years, this study finds that there has been an overall increase in funding. However, there has also been a significant shift in funding from women's issues to Aboriginal peoples since the early 2000s.
“…According to a Coalition of BC Rape Crisis Centres auditor's report in 1970, each of their members' funding came primarily from the government (Coalition of BC Rape Crisis Centres 1979). Most of these organizations still depend on public funding (Beres et al 2009;Hayday 2005;Knight and Rodgers 2012;Masson 2015;Phillips 2000;Ramos 2008). Without any clear vision or philosophy informing state policy, though, funding remains largely dependent on the shifting concerns of the government.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…NGOs use public funding to provide services, engage in advocacy, or shape state policy. In turn, governments fund NGOs to further their own interests, particularly in the provision of public services (Clément ; Knight and Rodgers ; Masson ). According to Masson (), state funding would enable the Ministry to benefit from community organizations’ capacity for social animation, from their original experiments in service provision and from their social and political critique to ensure the healthy evolution of state‐provided welfare.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The scale and priorities of public funding for identity-based organizations is unknown. Previous research has been based on a handful of case studies or it focuses on a single government program or agency (Beer and Tremblay 2014;Brushett 2013;Corrigall-Brown and Ho 2015;Knight and Rodgers 2012;Pal 1993;Ramos 2008). Moreover, except for Masson's (2000Masson's ( , 2012Masson's ( , 2015 work on Quebec, research on state policy focuses on the federal government (Beres, Crow, and Gotell 2009;Brodie 1997Brodie , 2002Brodie , 2008Didier, Dufour, and Royall 2011;Dobrowolsky 2004Dobrowolsky , 2007Garon and Dufour 2010;Pal 1993;Phillips 2000).…”
This article examines how the state has used its spending power to shape the nonprofit sector in British Columbia since the 1960s. The province's thriving nonprofit sector and its polarized political culture provide an ideal case study for exploring the relationship between the state and nongovernmental organizations. The following study documents changes in state policy, the trajectory of funding, funding patterns, and organizations that have received state funding. Although public funding for nonprofits in Canada has been pervasive for decades, there is little empirical evidence on the nature and scope of this funding. This article is based on an innovative new database that provides a comprehensive list of grants from the provincial government to nonprofit organizations between 1960 and 2014. Despite concerns regarding cuts to public funding in recent years, this study finds that there has been an overall increase in funding. However, there has also been a significant shift in funding from women's issues to Aboriginal peoples since the early 2000s.
“…The question of degree arises because there can be either progression or regression. In her study on the 'Fall of the Femocrat' in Australia, Marian Sawer (2007) identifies a number of causes for the regression of state feminism in the 1990s, including neo-liberalism and the 'new management' (Knight and Rodgers 2012) as well as the emergence of a men's rights movement -in particular, groups of separated and divorced fathersprotesting the gains made by women.…”
Abstract'State feminism' is a concept that refers to the integration of feminists and feminist issues into the state apparatus. Yet, while the feminist movement must regularly contend with an antifeminist counter-movement, it is worth considering whether a 'state antifeminism' is also present or emerging, and how this presence or emergence is affecting efforts by feminist organizations to address the needs of women and advance women's equality. With this objective in mind, this article focuses chiefly on two Western countries and is based on more than twenty semi-structured interviews with feminists in Belgium and Quebec, Canada.
“…Otherwise stated, it charges states with the task of doing whatever they can do, given prevailing contingencies, to unencumber the market and the private property rights, implicitly of global corporations, upon which the market depends. Specific to this is the task of dismantling established institutions, powers and narratives associated with twentieth century efforts to make a space for social justice, and a rewriting of political culture to accommodate this dismantling (see also Abu-Laban 2014;Brodie 2007;Davies 2012;Gabriel and MacDonald 2005;Harvey 2007;Kantola and Squires 2012;Knight and Rodgers 2012;Mann 2014;Palmer 2014;Phillips 2006;Rodgers and Knight 2011;Sawer and Laycock 2009;Smith 2012;Strong-Boag 2014 Men's rights emerged as part of the backlash against feminism and other social justice-oriented social movements in the late 1970s and early 1980s, coincident with the ascendance of neoliberalism. While some men's groups continue to ally with feminism and its goal of ending gender inequality and violence against women (Messner 2015), in legislative deliberations on family violence and family law, in academic literature, in print media and on the Internet, it is the voices of antifeminist men's rights advocates that are prominent.…”
This paper situates the Harper government's 2006 restructuring and effective dismantling of Status of Women Canada and its 2011 take down of the approximate 12,000 volume online library of the federal Family Violence Initiative in relation to two developments. These are the ascendant influence of men's rights and other antifeminist activism in Canada and globally; and the concurrent rise of a Hayekian-animated New Right neoliberal agenda intent on subordinating civil society and democratic rule to the forces of twenty-first century global capitalism. The paper contends that anti-feminism is among a host of neoconservative forces that the New Right instrumentalizes to augment and advance and its neoliberal agenda. For the New Right, however, the enemy is not gender equality or feminism per se but rather the market inhibiting commitment to social justice that feminism participates in and advances.
KeywordsNeoliberal dismantling; New Right; feminism; men's rights; social justice.
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