The Geography of Class in an Industrial American City: Connections between Workplace and Neighborhood Politics

Southworth, Caleb; Stepan‐Norris, Judith

doi:10.1525/sp.2003.50.3.319

Cited by 13 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…Ford's headquarters, located in Detroit since 1955, provide a tangible point of connection for thousands of families and individuals who have worked or have relatives that have worked for Ford. In this way, Ford provides a point of connection for people across many demographic and social groups in Detroit (Southworth & Stepan-Norris, 2003). Ford has contributed to the overall identity of the area, with Detroit known as the ''Motor City,'' something signifying a more profound existence than that of most businesses or workplace organizations.…”

Section: Social Anchors In the Communitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Re-conceptualizing social anchors in community development: utilizing social anchor theory to create social capital's third dimension

Clopton

Finch

2011

Community Development

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Section: Social Anchors In the Communitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Re-conceptualizing social anchors in community development: utilizing social anchor theory to create social capital's third dimension

Clopton

Finch

2011

Community Development

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“…For instance, when union leaders discuss environmental issues with new social movement organizations, both groups are likely to draw more support from their communities (Kimeldorf 1999;Rose 2000;Southworth and Stepan-Norris 2003). Second, alliances with middle-class and class-neutral civic associations provide unions with "reformist agendas" that take into account "general interests" beyond narrow workingclass economic interests.…”

Section: Redefining the Role Of Unions: (2) A Key Node For Cross-clasmentioning

confidence: 99%

Labor Unions and Good Governance: A Cross-National, Comparative Analysis

Lee

2007

Am Sociol Rev

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Using network-based measures of unions' centrality among civic associations, this article builds and tests a theoretical framework that highlights labor unions' central role in enhancing governance. I first construct three measures to capture the connectedness and power of representative voluntary civic associations, membership density, degree centrality (comemberships), and power centrality, based on the affiliation network matrices for 54 countries, using the latest World Values Survey. I then test the key argument that unions' power centrality has significant positive effects on governance, controlling for general socioeconomic and international factors. The findings from standard statistical analyses, as well as from comparative case studies of affiliation networks, support my claims that union-centered or union-linked civic mobilization achieves a balance of class power not only in civil society, but also within state institutions, strengthening reformist parties and policy makers. This article also suggests that this power shift in the state power structure leads to better governance. I highlight the role of labor-based organizations in making governments effective and responsible, and I bring the bottom-up process of civic mobilization and social accountability back into the discussion of social capital and governance.

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“…To explore the relationship between organized labor and vote turnout, the union ratio (the number of union members per adults more than 18 years old in each county) was derived by combining the L-M data from the U.S. Department of Labor for the year 2000 with census data. Recent research suggests a connection between union activities and regional political activism (Southworth and Stepan-Norris 2003). Finally, a full model on voter turnout includes state indicators to factor out any remaining state-level determinants of voting, such as whether there was a gubernatorial election in 2000, a popular referendum, policy regarding voting methods or voter eligibility, and methods for tabulating vote results.…”

Section: Data and Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

How Do Religious Groups Respond to Class and Inequality?

Zullo

2009

Labor Studies Journal

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Using a county-level population analysis, the author examines whether the interaction between religious groups and class and inequality predict voter turnout and voter preference for George W. Bush in the 2000 presidential election. Results indicate that for counties with high densities of mainline Protestants, lower income, and lower education meant depressed voter turnout and higher Bush support; with high densities of Jewish adherents, lower income yielded elevated voter turnout, while lower income along with less education equated with less Bush support; with high densities of Catholics, lower income meant higher voter turnout; with high densities of Evangelicals, lower income yielded depressed voter turnout; however, lower income and less education correlated with less Bush support. These patterns held for county income inequality when median income was controlled. The results challenge the perception that Evangelical groups in lower-SES regions persuaded members and their acquaintances to vote against their economic interests. Rather, the results imply that mainline Protestant groups in lower-SES regions successfully shifted votes to Bush. The findings suggest that outreach by labor and other progressives to Evangelicals, especially those in poorer regions, can lead to political collaboration.

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The Geography of Class in an Industrial American City: Connections between Workplace and Neighborhood Politics

Cited by 13 publications

References 28 publications

Re-conceptualizing social anchors in community development: utilizing social anchor theory to create social capital's third dimension

Re-conceptualizing social anchors in community development: utilizing social anchor theory to create social capital's third dimension

Labor Unions and Good Governance: A Cross-National, Comparative Analysis

How Do Religious Groups Respond to Class and Inequality?

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