The Gentrification of Paradise: St. John's, Antigua

Thomas, Gerald A.

doi:10.2747/0272-3638.12.5.469

Cited by 29 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 11 publications

(9 reference statements)

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“…On the one hand, gentrification as a process has rapidly descended the urban hierarchy; it is evident not only in the largest cities but in more unlikely centers such as the previously industrial cities of Cleveland or Glasgow, smaller cities like Malmö or Grenada, and even small market towns such as Lancaster, Pennsylvania or České Krumlov in the Czech Republic. At the same time, the process has diffused geographically as well, with reports of gentrification from Tokyo to Tenerife (Garcia 2001), São Paulo to Puebla, Mexico (Jones and Varley 1999), Cape Town (Garside 1993) to the Caribbean (Thomas 1991), Shanghai to Seoul. In some kind of irony, even Hobart, the capital of Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania), where dispossessed British peasants turned poachers and rebels were exiled in the nineteenth century and where, in turn, the local people were annihilated, is also undergoing gentrification.…”

Section: Urban Regeneration: Gentrification As Global Urban Strategymentioning

confidence: 99%

New Globalism, New Urbanism: Gentrification as Global Urban Strategy

2002

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This paper uses several events in New York in the late 1990s to launch two central arguments about the changing relationship between neoliberal urbanism and so–called globalization. First, much as the neoliberal state becomes a consummate agent of—rather than a regulator of—the market, the new revanchist urbanism that replaces liberal urban policy in cities of the advanced capitalist world increasingly expresses the impulses of capitalist production rather than social reproduction. As globalization bespeaks a rescaling of the global, the scale of the urban is recast. The true global cities may be the rapidly growing metropolitan economies of Asia, Latin America, and (to a lesser extent) Africa, as much as the command centers of Europe, North America and Japan. Second, the process of gentrification, which initially emerged as a sporadic, quaint, and local anomaly in the housing markets of some command–center cities, is now thoroughly generalized as an urban strategy that takes over from liberal urban policy. No longer isolated or restricted to Europe, North America, or Oceania, the impulse behind gentrification is now generalized; its incidence is global, and it is densely connected into the circuits of global capital and cultural circulation. What connects these two arguments is the shift from an urban scale defined according to the conditions of social reproduction to one in which the investment of productive capital holds definitive precedence.

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Section: Urban Regeneration: Gentrification As Global Urban Strategymentioning

confidence: 99%

New Globalism, New Urbanism: Gentrification as Global Urban Strategy

2002

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“…The attraction of private investment and a possible alliance with gentrification, whereby middle-and upper-income groups displace lower-income people from both their homes and their commercial activities (Thomas, 1991), will initially sustain the diversity of life in the historic center. A partial recapture of the center by elite groups will not remove the popular presence.…”

Section: Escaping the Cycle: Sustainable Urban Conservationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A strategic decision to promote tourism through conservation appears to be decisive in marking the transition to broader programs. Although monuments are attractive, selling a center to tourists requires a wider approach and a piecemeal conversion of buildings to hotels and recreational and shopping uses (Thomas, 1991).…”

Section: Stage 2: Enhancementmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Conservation Cycle in the Cities of the Developing World: Implications for Authenticity and Policy

Bromley

Jones

1996

Urban Geography

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Urban conservation in developing countries takes place despite limited funds, strong forces of deterioration, and the lack of popular and private-sector support. These challenges contribute to the existence of a conservation cycle in which policies evolve from an emphasis on monuments, to largely cosmetic enhancement schemes, to area-improvement projects, and, finally, to more ambitious removal programs. The four stages of the cycle are illustrated with reference to the historic center of Quito, Ecuador. Escape from the cycle to a condition of sustainability is achieved when the private sector is motivated to invest on a scale that generates permanent upgrading. This motivation becomes possible with the area scheme and is a virtual certainty if removal measures come to dominate conservation policy. However, progress through the cycle diminishes the traditional heterogeneity of social groups and ways of life that characterize the historic centers. Reference to the concept of authenticity highlights the tension between architectural conservation, a changing human environment, and the meaning placed in that environment. Although interpreting the meaning of conservation presents problems for policymakers, an improved awareness should contribute to a more sensitive policy.

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“…Furthermore, the region's continued incorporation into a global order in which mass tourism adheres to the dictates of neo-liberal capitalist policies of de-regulation has resulted in a lack of concern for social equity and social justice. This has produced un acceptable social divisiveness and a widening of inequalities and class-stratification in many Caribbean insular societies that have reached advanced states of tourism penetration (Thomas 1991;McElroy & de Albuquerque 1998;Potter et al 2004). Other negative social impacts include the spread of cultural imperialism with the demonstration effect altering local cultural norms and reorientating household re source allocations toward consumptive, rather than productive, activities.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Slow Tourism at the Caribbean's Geographical Margins

Timms

Conway

2012

Tourism Geographies

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The Caribbean tourism industry owes much of its success to beneficial geograph ical site and situation factors. Yet these geographical advantages have also contributed to the mass tourism-related pressures of economic dependency, social division and environmental degradation. We argue geographically marginal locales in the Caribbean have the potential to develop alternative tourism models that ameliorate these negative repercussions. With its conceptual roots originating from the slow food movement and theoretically rooted in Herman Daly's 'soft growth' development, we propose slow tourism as a viable soft growth model that is a more culturally sensitive and sustainable genre of alternative tourism. This new model and its locational appropriateness appears eminently suitable since it diversifies and revitalizes mature tourism offerings, redirects tourism away from 'hard growth' maxims, and thereby contributes to more sustainable tourism ensembles. In a maturing industry that requires in novation, revitalization and significant change in offerings if it is to survive and prosper, we argue the best places to promote slow tourism lies in the Caribbean's overlooked geographical margins where diversity and authenticity still persist.

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The Gentrification of Paradise: St. John's, Antigua

Cited by 29 publications

References 11 publications

New Globalism, New Urbanism: Gentrification as Global Urban Strategy

New Globalism, New Urbanism: Gentrification as Global Urban Strategy

The Conservation Cycle in the Cities of the Developing World: Implications for Authenticity and Policy

Slow Tourism at the Caribbean's Geographical Margins

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