The Gender Gap in U.S. Presidential Elections: When? Why? Implications?

Manza, Jeff; Brooks­, Clem­

doi:10.1086/231352

Cited by 192 publications

(119 citation statements)

References 48 publications

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“…If we look at the specific individual-level variables that have served as outcomes in the AJS, they permit a rough, heuristic division that will prove useful for thinking about genes as causes and as parts of explanations. First are actions, whether interesting in single occurrences (e.g., vote choice [Manza and Brooks 1998], first intercourse [Bearman and Bruckner 2001]) or as a recurrent pattern over time (e.g., parental investment in children [Freese and Powell 1999], political participation [Antunes and Gaitz 1975]). Second are actors' internal states, which are often regarded as interesting for what they are taken to imply for action (thinking about divorce [Huber and Spitze 1980]) or about the causality of sociocultural forces (social attitudes [DiMaggio, Evans, and Bryson 1996], perceptions of crime rates [Quillian and Pager 2001]), but sometimes are taken as an end in themselves (alienation [Kohn 1976], job satisfaction [Gruenberg 1980]).…”

Section: S3mentioning

confidence: 99%

Genetics and the Social Science Explanation of Individual Outcomes

Freese¹

2008

American Journal of Sociology

196

181

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Accumulating evidence from behavioral genetics suggests that the vast majority of individual-level outcomes of abiding sociological interest are genetically influenced to a substantial degree. This raises the question of the place of genetics in social science explanations. Genomic causation is described from a counterfactualist perspective, which makes its complexity plain and highlights the distinction between identifying causes and substantiating explanations. For explanation, genomic causes must be understood as strictly mediated by the body. One implication is that the challenge of behavioral genetics for sociology is much more a challenge from psychology than biology, and a main role for genetics is as a placeholder for ignorance of more proximate influences of psychological and other embodied variation. Social scientists should not take this challenge from psychology as suggesting any especially fundamental explanatory place for either it or genetics, but the contingent importance of genetic and psychological characteristics is itself available for sociological investigation.

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Section: S3mentioning

confidence: 99%

Genetics and the Social Science Explanation of Individual Outcomes

Freese¹

2008

American Journal of Sociology

196

181

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“…These major changes in sex roles can be expected to influence women's and men's political behavior. Studies suggest that female participation in the paid labor force has had a significant impact on female voting behavior, for example, in terms of political participation (Togeby, 1994;Manza and Brooks, 1998). Women's support for parties of the left may be encouraged by pervasive patterns of horizontal and vertical occupational segregation.…”

Section: The Developmental Theory Of Gender Realignmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Developmental Theory of the Gender Gap: Women’s and Men’s Voting Behavior in Global Perspective

Inglehart¹,

Norris²

2000

International Political Science Review

458

282

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ABSTRACT. Studies carried out in many countries in previous decades found that women were more conservative than men and less likely to participate in politics. Here, it is examined whether this traditional gender gap persists today, or whether gender cleavages in the electorate have converged, and whether the phenomenon of the modern gender gap, with women more left wing, has become evident elsewhere. The article draws on evidence from the World Values Surveys in the early 1980s, and the early and mid-1990s carried out in over sixty countries around the world. This study establishes that gender differences in electoral behavior have been realigning, with women moving toward the left of men throughout advanced industrial societies (though not in postcommunist societies or developing countries) and explores the reasons for this development, including the role of structural and cultural factors. The conclusion considers the political implications of the findings. Key words: Electoral behavior • Feminism • Gender gap • World Values SurveysDuring the postwar era the established orthodoxy in political science was that women in western democracies proved more right wing than men. Gender differences in party preferences were never as marked as the classic electoral cleavages of class, region, and religion-for example, there were no popular "women's parties" as there were parties closely associated with labor unions, provincial regions or churches, but nevertheless "women's conservatism" was commonly noted as a persistent and well-established phenomenon. During the 1980s the conventional wisdom of women's conservatism came under increasing challenge. On the one hand, commentators in many countries outside the United States detected a process of gender dealignment, finding minimal sex differences in

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“…This is crucial, since political participation is a central component of democracy, and people who participate in politics are more likely to have an influence . This is particularly relevant and important since international evidence indicates, as suggested above, that women and men tend to differ in their party choices and policy ideas (for example, Giger 2009;Inglehart and Norris 2003;Manza and Brooks 1998). In addition, while some scholars note that gender differences in political participation are often small in comparison to other cleavages such as education or age (Burns 2007;Norris 2002;Parry, Moyser and Day 1992), gender is a cleavage that cuts across these other areas of stratification, making it salient for everyone (Martin 2004;Risman 1998).…”

mentioning

confidence: 96%

“…For example, women have been found to be more supportive of social service spending (Manza and Brooks 1998). While women used to be more likely to vote for the right, as a result of their increasing rates of labour force participation and their apparently positive attitudes towards social spending, in recent decades women have turned to the left in most post-industrial societies (Inglehart and Norris 2000).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%