The gender gap: Differences in political attitudes and social dominance orientation

Pratto, Felicia; Stallworth, Lisa M.; Sidanius, Jim

doi:10.1111/j.2044-8309.1997.tb01118.x

Cited by 253 publications

(200 citation statements)

References 38 publications

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“…Consistent with these stereotypes, men express a stronger preference than women do for social groups to be hierarchically organized in terms of power (Social Dominance Orientation; Pratto, Stallworth, & Sidanius, 1997). Men are also more likely than women to perceive relationships as being hierarchically organized (Schmid Mast, 2005).…”

Section: Gender Differences In Power and Power Hierarchiesmentioning

confidence: 71%

Inferring power‐relevant thoughts and feelings in others: a signal detection analysis

Mast¹,

Hall²,

Ickes³

2006

Euro J Social Psych

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Drawing inferences about other people's thoughts and feelings related to power issues ('powerrelevant' thoughts and feelings) can affect how hierarchies are formed. Perceivers who infer such thoughts and feelings can be biased (i.e., over-or underestimating the occurrence of power-relevant thoughts and feelings). We investigated whether the perceiver's gender and the perceiver's preference for a high or low power position ('power preference') affects the perceiver's bias toward attributing power-relevant thoughts and feelings to others. Participants were 80 female and 35 male students who indicated their power preference and then guessed whether videotaped target individuals had experienced power-relevant thoughts and feelings or not. Using a signal detection approach, we found that men who preferred a high power position overestimated the occurrence of power-relevant thoughts and feelings in others more than men who preferred a low power position. No such difference in overestimation bias was found for women.

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Section: Gender Differences In Power and Power Hierarchiesmentioning

confidence: 71%

Inferring power‐relevant thoughts and feelings in others: a signal detection analysis

Mast¹,

Hall²,

Ickes³

2006

Euro J Social Psych

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“…There is evidence that these orientations toward status and hierarchy underlie gender differences in policy attitudes (Diekman and Schneider 2010). For instance, men's higher status is associated with a greater tendency to support policies that support or enhance the status quo (Jost and Kay 2005), whereas women support policies that tend to reduce hierarchy, such as social welfare programs (Pratto, Stallworth, and Sidanius 1997).…”

Section: Origins Of Gender Gaps In Issue Attitudesmentioning

confidence: 99%

American Party Women

Barnes

Cassese

2016

Political Research Quarterly

109

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ArticleTraditionally, women were more politically conservative than men. Yet, in the early 1980s, women began realigning, shifting to the left of men and reversing the gender gap in developed democracies across the globe (BoxSteffensmeier, De Boef, and Lin 2004;Inglehart and Norris 2003). Today, women in the United States are more likely to identify with the Democratic Party, vote for Democratic Party candidates, and hold liberal positions on social issues. Although scholars have devoted considerable attention to understanding the gender gap in public opinion, existing research focuses almost exclusively on average differences between men and womenemphasizing women's liberal tendencies and defining women's political identity almost entirely in liberal terms. While women's greater average liberalism is well established empirically, approximately one in four women identify with the Republican Party-a figure that translates into millions of American women who buck this liberal trend (Deckman 2016). Because existing research has focused on average differences between men and women, we know little about sources of heterogeneity among women.Does the gender gap extend to the Republican Party, with Republican women holding more liberal views than their male counterparts? To date, most research about Republican women has focused on the elite level, investigating factors like party structure, activists and donors, conservative women's groups, and candidates for political office (Cooperman and Crowder-Meyer 2015;Thomsen 2015). Comparatively little research has considered the attitudes and issue preferences of Republican women in the electorate. 1 In recent years, the United States has seen a rise in high-profile Republican women running for office and the development of a conservative women's movement (Schreiber 2008(Schreiber , 2014. The surge in conservative appeals to women, coupled with the increased salience of and polarization on "women's issues"-for example, the Mommy Wars and the Republican War on Women-requires that scholars revisit the conventional wisdom about women's political identities.Building on the burgeoning body of research on partisan sorting, we develop expectations regarding the intersection between gender and party. Theories of partisan sorting suggest that women and men sort themselves into the party that best represents their views-such that the AbstractResearch on the gender gap in American politics has focused on average differences between male and female voters. This has led to an underdeveloped understanding of sources of heterogeneity among women and, in particular, a poor understanding of the political preferences of Republican women. We argue that although theories of ideological sorting suggest gender gaps should exist primarily between political parties, gender socialization theories contend that critical differences lie at the intersection of gender and party such that gender differences likely persist within political parties. Using survey data from the 2012 American National Election ...

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“…Some past research showed that females are less supportive of violent law enforcement such as death penalty and more supportive of rehabilitation policies (e.g., Smith, 1984), and that females hold more positive racial attitudes (e.g., Johnson & Marini, 1998). Some researchers explained these gender differences in terms of gender-differentiated socialization process (i.e., women are socialized to be more concerned for others; e.g., Johnson & Marini, 1998), while some did in terms of personality variables such as social dominance orientation (i.e., preference for inequality among social groups; Pratto, Stallworth, & Sidanius, 1997). In fact, Attributional Complexity, Punitiveness, and Racism 6 males and females also differ in terms of AC; females are found to be more attributionally complex (Fletcher et al, 1986).…”

Section: Attributional Complexity and Gendermentioning

confidence: 99%

Attributionally more complex people show less punitiveness and racism

Tam

Leung

2008

Journal of Research in Personality

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This is the Pre-Published Version Attributional Complexity, Punitiveness, and Racism 2 Abstract Based on past findings that attributionally more complex people make less fundamental attribution error, it was hypothesized that they would show less punitiveness and racism. In a study of 102 undergraduates, this hypothesis received robust support. The effect of attributional complexity was significant in 2 different punitiveness measures, a rehabilitation support measure, and 2 different racism measures. Also, this effect still held when demographic variables, crime victimization history, and need for cognition were statistically controlled. Moreover, attributional complexity mediated the effect of need for cognition and gender on punitiveness and racism.Theoretical implications are discussed.

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The gender gap: Differences in political attitudes and social dominance orientation

Cited by 253 publications

References 38 publications

Inferring power‐relevant thoughts and feelings in others: a signal detection analysis

Inferring power‐relevant thoughts and feelings in others: a signal detection analysis

American Party Women

Attributionally more complex people show less punitiveness and racism

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