The Folly of Arms Control

Schell, Jonathan

doi:10.2307/20049886

Cited by 24 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…In 2020, President Trump's announcement of severing economic ties with China marked a strategic shift towards a precise decoupling from China [7]. According to Figure 2, this decision was reflected in the trade data: China's export proportion to the U.S., relative to its total exports, initially increased from 16.74% in 2019 to 18.60% in 2020, but subsequently declined to 15.3% by 2022.…”

Section: Characteristics Of Trade Flowsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Redefinition of Engagement in Sino-U.S. Economic and Trade Dynamics

2023

infse

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In 2018, a significant transformation commenced in the economic and trade relations between the People's Republic of China and the United States, a trend that was further accentuated in 2022 following President Donald Trump's announcement of an economic decoupling strategy from China. This paper investigation delves into the evolving trade dynamics between these two global economic powers. It methodically analyzes changes in tariff policies, characterizes the evolving nature of trade flows, and assesses the progression of foreign direct investment between the two nations, utilizing a series of analytical charts. This comprehensive analysis furnishes an in-depth overview of the current state of economic and trade interactions. Drawing upon these empirical findings, the study formulates a set of nuanced policy recommendations, which is to strengthen multilateral or bilateral cooperation frameworks and strengthen cooperation in science, technology and innovation, strategically designed to navigate the complexities and exploit the potential opportunities inherent in this evolving bilateral relationship.

show abstract

Section: Characteristics Of Trade Flowsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Redefinition of Engagement in Sino-U.S. Economic and Trade Dynamics

2023

infse

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…41 In fact, the United States State Department has assessed that 44 nations have the capacity to construct nuclear weapons. 42 This highly dangerous world no longer has a bi-polar framework to unite under, yet our strategic force posture remains built upon just such an anachronistic arrangement. For a nation to build a nuclear weapon two things should exist: first, the technological capability and; second, the will to build such a weapon.…”

Section: Twenty-first Century Security Challengesmentioning

confidence: 99%

National Missile Defense - 21st Century Long Wall?

Lynch¹

2001

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The paper puts forth the thesis that the security challenges of the twenty-first century require the addition of National Missile Defense (NMD) to U.S. nuclear deterrence strategy. It discusses this issue with the help of an historical analogy that compares the U.S. decision to build NMD to the Athenian decision in 479 BC to build its "Long Walls" linking Athens and its major seaport.First, the paper defines the three elements of U.S. nuclear deterrence posture: retaliation, defense, and dissuasion. Then, the paper establishes the current state of those three elements.The elements of strategic deterrence are assessed to determine their suitability to deter twentyfirst century threats. To do this, current threats are examined and compared to the deterrent elements. The assessment reveals that the deterrence elements cannot meet the new security challenges, and recommends a re-balancing of the elements. Adjusting this balance will incur risks, and those risks are explored. The discussion of risks focuses on both the policy and technical risks of the suggested changes. By the end of this paper it will hopefully be clear that U.S. nuclear deterrence policy should be modified with the addition of an active defense component to meet twenty-first century security challenges. in IV

show abstract

“…18 Radical critic Jonathan Schell suggests that "the deterrent" should be renamed "the proliferant," as proliferation is today the most likely consequence of the U.S. nuclear arsenal. 19 Given the lack of a convincing enemy in the world and the absence of any great clash of global purposes or ambitions among the great powers, it is not clear exactly what U.S. nuclear weapons deter. Rather, their most likely effect is to contribute to sustaining the interest of others in acquiring such weapons-as the recent tests by India and Pakistan, and their statements over the years, suggest.…”

Section: P R E V E N T I N G P Ro L I F E R At I O Nmentioning

confidence: 99%

U.S. Arms Control Policy in a Time Warp

Tannenwald¹

2001

Ethics int. aff.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

There is much hand-wringing in the arms control trenches these days over the role and future of arms control in U.S. policy. Liberal supporters of arms control lament what they see as a decade of missed opportunities to pursue deep cuts in the world's nuclear arsenals and to strengthen the regimes for controlling the spread of weapons of mass destruction. Those on the right, perceiving grave weaknesses in Cold War–era arms control regimes, prefers to move ahead with “assertive isolationism,” happily unencumbered with the comprehensive test ban or soon, they hope, the Anti–Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty. After a promising start in arms control at the beginning of the 1990s, both sides see U.S. arms control policy drifting in purpose and slackening in momentum, with arms control officials spread thin over a proliferating agenda.

show abstract

The Folly of Arms Control

Cited by 24 publications

References 0 publications

Redefinition of Engagement in Sino-U.S. Economic and Trade Dynamics

Redefinition of Engagement in Sino-U.S. Economic and Trade Dynamics

National Missile Defense - 21st Century Long Wall?

U.S. Arms Control Policy in a Time Warp

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About