The ageing of our bodies occurs at the most intimate level of our cells, yet our senescence brings us into contact with much larger narratives. Ageing affects our selves and our families, but it also influences the course of national and international history. Global ageing is without a doubt one of the most important human phenomena of the modern era. While historians are constitutionally allergic to positing historical laws, it does appear that some version of the 'demographic transition' is happening, or has happened, everywhere across the world. The collapse of birth rates, combined with the sometimes dramatic expansion of lifespans, has led to unavoidable questions of financing, culture and care.These challenges are being met in very different ways. Scholars have paid a great deal of attention to the diversity of responses within the capitalist world. Gøsta Esping-Andersen's famous Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, for example, could be alternatively read as the Three Worlds of Caring for Older Citizens, given that, in most places, this is the largest component of welfare spending. 1 More recently, there has been an emphasis on the influence of ageing models exported from the west to developing nations, but largely within the context of contemporary global capitalism. Significantly less attention has been paid to the socialist world, or to comparisons between the capitalist and socialist worlds. One purpose of this volume has been to begin to address this lacuna.Since the essays in the volume are not, for the most part, directly comparative in nature, we would like to use this epilogue to situate the volume's findings in a broader, global context to discover what is unique, and what is not, about ageing in the Soviet sphere. We have organized our remarks into four sections, reflecting what seem to us to be four major themes in both the historical literature on