Abstract:Prevailing theory assumes that people enforce norms in order to pressure others to act in ways that they approve. Yet there are numerous examples of "unpopular norms" in which people compel each other to do things that they privately disapprove. While peer sanctioning suggests a ready explanation for why people conform to unpopular norms, it is harder to understand why they would enforce a norm they privately oppose. The authors argue that people enforce unpopular norms to show that they have complied out of g… Show more
“…These explanations essentially suggest that cognitive difficulties prevent audience members from taking the enforcer's perspective even though the shoe is often on the other foot. 2 The experimental evidence presented by Willer et al (2009) is consistent with this suggestion. In their experiment, subjects were informed of a situation where three actors (1) were asked to privately evaluate a purportedly high-quality but actually nonsensical text, (2) had a public discussion in which one turned out to be a deviant and two turned out to be conformists, and (3) were asked to publicly evaluate their fellow group members.…”
Section: Theorymentioning
confidence: 52%
“…Deepening the Puzzle Willer et al (2009) offer two possible explanations for why enforcement creates an illusion of sincerity despite rational suspicions that the enforcer might be trying to hide her own deviance. 1 One idea comes from research that suggests that human beings often err by projecting their own motivations onto others (Miller and McFarland 1991;Prentice and Miller 1993).…”
Section: Theorymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Subjects were more likely to think that the enforcer was more sincere in his compliance than the nonenforcer, which suggests that enforcement can occur without eliciting suspicions of ulterior motives. 3 The larger implication is that many norms might be enforced even if there is significant private dissent (see Study 1 and 2 in Willer et al [2009]). …”
Section: Theorymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…But more recent research suggests that individual actors might gain private utility (i.e., "selective incentives"; Olson 1965) from enforcement (Adut 2004(Adut , 2012Becker 1963;Kuran 1995;Sunstein 1996:910-14). In particular, Willer, Kuwabara, and Macy (2009;cf. Centola, Willer, and Macy [2005] and Jordan et al [2016]) argue that audiences regard an enforcer as more sincere in her compliance than those who do not enforce even though the enforcer is actually more likely to have privately deviated from the norm and that the "illusion of sincerity" available from enforcement explains why individuals are often motivated to enforce.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In particular, social situations vary in the degree to which actors are charged with responding to normative deviance. At one end of the continuum, they might be mandated to assess one another's commitment to norms (e.g., Jordan et al 2016;Willer et al 2009). Someone who is given such a mandate cannot claim to be unaware of the deviance-that is, she does not enjoy "plausible deniability."…”
Recent research suggests that many norms may be upheld by closet deviants who engage in enforcement so as to hide their deviance. But various empirical accounts indicate that audiences are often quite sensitive to this ulterior motive. Our theory and experimental evidence identify when inferences of ulterior motive are drawn and clarify the implications of such inferences. Our main test pivots on two contextual factors: (1) the extent to which individuals might try to strategically feign commitment and (2) the contrast between "mandated" enforcement, where individuals are asked for their opinions of deviance, and "entrepreneurial" enforcement, where enforcement requires initiative to interrupt the flow of social interaction. When the context is one where individuals might have a strategic motive and enforcement requires entrepreneurial initiative, suspicions are aroused because the enforcers could have remained silent and enjoyed plausible deniability that they had witnessed the deviance or recognized its significance. Given that the mandate for enforcement might be rare, a key implication is that norms might frequently be underenforced.
“…These explanations essentially suggest that cognitive difficulties prevent audience members from taking the enforcer's perspective even though the shoe is often on the other foot. 2 The experimental evidence presented by Willer et al (2009) is consistent with this suggestion. In their experiment, subjects were informed of a situation where three actors (1) were asked to privately evaluate a purportedly high-quality but actually nonsensical text, (2) had a public discussion in which one turned out to be a deviant and two turned out to be conformists, and (3) were asked to publicly evaluate their fellow group members.…”
Section: Theorymentioning
confidence: 52%
“…Deepening the Puzzle Willer et al (2009) offer two possible explanations for why enforcement creates an illusion of sincerity despite rational suspicions that the enforcer might be trying to hide her own deviance. 1 One idea comes from research that suggests that human beings often err by projecting their own motivations onto others (Miller and McFarland 1991;Prentice and Miller 1993).…”
Section: Theorymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Subjects were more likely to think that the enforcer was more sincere in his compliance than the nonenforcer, which suggests that enforcement can occur without eliciting suspicions of ulterior motives. 3 The larger implication is that many norms might be enforced even if there is significant private dissent (see Study 1 and 2 in Willer et al [2009]). …”
Section: Theorymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…But more recent research suggests that individual actors might gain private utility (i.e., "selective incentives"; Olson 1965) from enforcement (Adut 2004(Adut , 2012Becker 1963;Kuran 1995;Sunstein 1996:910-14). In particular, Willer, Kuwabara, and Macy (2009;cf. Centola, Willer, and Macy [2005] and Jordan et al [2016]) argue that audiences regard an enforcer as more sincere in her compliance than those who do not enforce even though the enforcer is actually more likely to have privately deviated from the norm and that the "illusion of sincerity" available from enforcement explains why individuals are often motivated to enforce.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In particular, social situations vary in the degree to which actors are charged with responding to normative deviance. At one end of the continuum, they might be mandated to assess one another's commitment to norms (e.g., Jordan et al 2016;Willer et al 2009). Someone who is given such a mandate cannot claim to be unaware of the deviance-that is, she does not enjoy "plausible deniability."…”
Recent research suggests that many norms may be upheld by closet deviants who engage in enforcement so as to hide their deviance. But various empirical accounts indicate that audiences are often quite sensitive to this ulterior motive. Our theory and experimental evidence identify when inferences of ulterior motive are drawn and clarify the implications of such inferences. Our main test pivots on two contextual factors: (1) the extent to which individuals might try to strategically feign commitment and (2) the contrast between "mandated" enforcement, where individuals are asked for their opinions of deviance, and "entrepreneurial" enforcement, where enforcement requires initiative to interrupt the flow of social interaction. When the context is one where individuals might have a strategic motive and enforcement requires entrepreneurial initiative, suspicions are aroused because the enforcers could have remained silent and enjoyed plausible deniability that they had witnessed the deviance or recognized its significance. Given that the mandate for enforcement might be rare, a key implication is that norms might frequently be underenforced.
Although “experiments” are popularly understood as research done in a laboratory, for social scientists the key element of an experiment is at least one manipulated independent variable. A variable is manipulated if the researcher can determine who experiences each category (or treatment) of the variable. A “true” experiment is one in which the researcher randomly assigns subjects to different categories (treatments) of the independent variable. This random assignment (randomization) can yield high internal validity in assessing the causal effect of the independent variable on the dependent (outcome) variable. There have been important randomized field experiments in policy areas such as education, welfare provision, population control, or medical treatments. Market researchers may use randomized field experiments to test the impact of different advertising campaigns and some professionalized social movement organizations have used this kind of field experiment to test the impact of various ways of “marketing” their issues. Smaller voluntary groups might also find it valuable to use rigorous experimental methods to test their persuasive tactics, although they rarely do.
Although “experiments” are popularly understood as research done in a laboratory, for social scientists the key element of an experiment is at least one manipulated independent variable. A variable is manipulated if the researcher can determine who experiences each category (or treatment) of the variable. A “true” experiment is one in which the researcher randomly assigns subjects to different categories (treatments) of the independent variable. This random assignment (randomization) can yield high internal validity in assessing the causal effect of the independent variable on the dependent (outcome) variable. There have been important randomized field experiments in policy areas such as education, welfare provision, population control, or medical treatments. Market researchers may use randomized field experiments to test the impact of different advertising campaigns and some professionalized social movement organizations have used this kind of field experiment to test the impact of various ways of “marketing” their issues. Smaller voluntary groups might also find it valuable to use rigorous experimental methods to test their persuasive tactics, although they rarely do.
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