The expression of first-person-singular subjects in spoken Peninsular Spanish and European Portuguese: Semantic roles and formulaic sequences

Posio, Pekka

doi:10.1515/flin.2013.010

Cited by 37 publications

(14 citation statements)

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“…The results with respect to pronoun frequencies, verb, and person confirm the findings of previous studies on the peninsular Spanish varieties (e.g. Enríquez 1984, Davidson 1996, Posio 2013. They indicate that overt pronoun realization is especially favored with 'believer/ thinkers' and less so with 'knowers'.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 88%

“…In previous corpus studies, one hypothesis is that (inter-)subjectivity, epistemicity and/or evidentiality influence overt pronoun realization, particularly with the verb creer in 1SG (cf. Aijón Oliva & Serrano 2010;Hennemann 2012;Posio 2013;. In the next section, the verb type factor will be discussed.…”

Section: Contrast and Topic Continuitymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…: 455). Some issues, however, remain unresolved: (i) Aijón Oliva & Serrano (2010) and Posio (2013; focus on 1 st person (yo) creo and Hennemann (2016) on creo (yo). Travis & Torres Cacoullos (2012: 438f) argue that the "yo + cognitive verb" construction belongs to a more schematic "(subject) + cognitive verb" construction.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Perspectival factors and pro-drop: A corpus study of speaker/addressee pronouns with creer ‘think/ believe’ and saber ‘know’ in spoken Spanish

Herbeck

2021

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper examines overt and covert speaker/addressee pronouns with the cognitive verbs creer ‘think/believe’ and saber ‘know’ in a corpus of spoken peninsular Spanish – the Madrid and Alcalá samples of PRESEEA (2014– ) – with a focus on 1st person singular (yo) creo que ‘(I) think that’. Departing from the observation made in the literature that overt pronouns are highly frequent with creer and that topic shift cannot account for all of them, it will be argued that perspectival factors related to evidentiality/epistemicity and subjectivity influence overt pronoun realization. A corpus study was conducted to investigate whether (i) [person] and [polarity] and (ii) the type of complement affect overt pronoun realization with the cognitive verbs creer and saber. The results indicate that the type of belief expressed in the embedded clause should be taken into account, as well as person and polarity. The ultimate trigger for phonetic realization of speaker/addressee pronouns will be argued to be the notion of contrast: cognitive verbs whose embedded complement encodes evaluations and non-visual, abstract information have high frequencies of overt pronoun realization because these contexts favor the evoking of alternative perspective holders. Overt pronouns will be analyzed as the result of a [+contrast] feature which is assigned to the specifier of a functional category encoding perspective in the split IP.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 88%

Section: Contrast and Topic Continuitymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Perspectival factors and pro-drop: A corpus study of speaker/addressee pronouns with creer ‘think/ believe’ and saber ‘know’ in spoken Spanish

Herbeck

2021

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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“…In fact, I mentioned in the previous section that a collocation approach to zero complementation postulates that certain frequent collocations of mainclause first-person singular subjects and verbs in English (e.g., I guess, I think) function as epistemic adverbials and parentheticals (i.e., I guess and I think interpreted as 'in my opinion') rather than as main clauses taking a complement clause (Thompson and Mulac, 1991). The same seems to hold true for Spanish where one finds the omission of the complementizer with the first-person singular subjects more often than other types of subjects (Travis 2006;Vázquez Rozas 2006;Posio, 2011;2013;. For instance, yo creo/creo '(I) think' and yo digo/digo '(I) say' seem to have been re-analyzed as epistemic markers that may serve a multitude of meta-discoursal functions, such as hedging the information provided in the complement clause.…”

Section: Omission Of the Complementizer Que In Spanishmentioning

confidence: 90%

“…Some of the common factors contributing to the omission of the complementizer are, for example, (i) matrix clause subjects such as I or you; (ii) a co-referential pronoun between the complement clause and the matrix clause subject (e.g., I think I got it right) (Posio (2011;2013; for the detailed discussions about the expression of the first (and the second) person singular subject pronouns in Spanish in relation to verb semantics and grammaticalization); (iii) the absence of intervening elements between the matrix and complement clause (e.g., I remember my mother used to […] Vs. I remember on Sunday, my mother used to […]); and, iv) the absence of main-clause adverbials (e.g., I still think Ø he is innocent Vs.…”

Section: The Concept Of Grammaticalizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Grammaticalization of the Spanish Complement-taking Verb without a Complementizer

Yoon¹

2015

Journal of Social Sciences

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This study examines authentic data samples taken from the Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual (CREA) in order to uncover any semantic trends that can be commonly observed in verbs taking a sentential complement without the complementizer que in Spanish. In doing so, special attention is given to the grammaticalization process that can account for epistemic fragments in which the semantic meaning of the verb becomes attenuated and where the main verb alone without a complementizer functions like an adverbial phrase. Four semantic groups of verbs with a zero complementizer are analyzed: (i) Verbs of cognition/mental act (e.g., creer 'think'); (ii) verbs of communication (e.g., decir 'say'); (iii) verbs of volition and desire (e.g., esperar 'hope'); and iv) verbs of emotion (e.g., temer 'fear'). These verb groups allowing a zero complementizer show differences with respect to (i) the subjunctive and indicative use in the embedded clause, (ii) the formal Vs. informal registers and (iii) the use of the complement-taking verbs as a fragment/parenthetical or an epistemic marker (in order to capture the degree of grammaticalization). This study proposes that not all the verbs that allow for the omission of the complementizer undergo the same degree of grammaticalization, but the semantics of the main verb interacting with all those factors play a role in determining the likelihood of the omission and the possibility that the main verb can actually be used as a floated parenthetical with a more subjective meaning that involves a more active process of grammaticalization. It is also shown that the degree of grammaticalization differs from verb to verb, as well as from verb class to verb class.

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The Future of Usage‐Based Approaches

Rivas¹

2023

The Handbook of Usage‐Based Linguistics

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The expression of first-person-singular subjects in spoken Peninsular Spanish and European Portuguese: Semantic roles and formulaic sequences

Cited by 37 publications

References 0 publications

Perspectival factors and pro-drop: A corpus study of speaker/addressee pronouns with creer ‘think/ believe’ and saber ‘know’ in spoken Spanish

Perspectival factors and pro-drop: A corpus study of speaker/addressee pronouns with creer ‘think/ believe’ and saber ‘know’ in spoken Spanish

The Grammaticalization of the Spanish Complement-taking Verb without a Complementizer

The Future of Usage‐Based Approaches

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