The Evolution of the Family Planning Programme and Its Role in Influencing Fertility Change in Kenya

Abstract

Kenya was one of the first sub-Saharan countries to enter the fertility transition, and analysts have suggested various explanations for this. This paper examines the growth in contraceptive availability in Kenya by looking at the Kenya family planning programme and its association with the fertility transition. This is of critical programmatic importance because the fertility transition is not yet underway in many sub-Saharan countries. Policymakers will find the information from this study helpful in evaluating the efficacy of current programmes and replicating the Kenyan programme in areas where fertility decline has not yet occurred. For researchers, the study attempts to highlight some of the major factors driving Kenya’s fertility decline, apart from the conventional arguments about social and economic development.

Women’s Educational Attainment and Intergenerational Patterns of Fertility Behaviour in Kenya

“…However, women in agricultural and manual occupations are less likely to use contraception compared with those who are not employed. These findings add to the evidence from sub-Saharan Africa that women who practise family planning have already attained a high number of children (Bledsoe et al, 1994;Omondi-Odhiambo, 1997;Toroitich-Ruto, 2001;Magadi & Curtis, 2003). The significance of women's occupation in the full model validates other theoretical mechanisms through which employment in the market economy influences fertility such as exposure to knowledge on fertility regulation, interaction with new role models, increasing opportunity costs of women's time within marriage, and increasing the costs of children as aspirations increase (Diamond et al, 1999;Uchudi, 2001).…”

“…Rather than suggesting a change of attitude in favour of smaller families, these results demonstrate that fertility behaviour among most women in Kenya, as in the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, changes only when they have already attained a high parity, in this case at least three or four children (Toroitich-Ruto, 2001;Magadi & Curtis, 2003). For example, among women with one or two children, the odds of expressing a desire to cease childbearing were reduced by 94% for the youngest cohort (below 30 years), by 95% for the 30-39 years cohort and by about 80% for the oldest cohort compared with women with five or more children.…”

“…When the relationship between fertility behaviour and number of living children is considered the results have shown that for most women behaviour change occurs after they have borne three or four children, findings that have also been observed before (Toroitich-Ruto, 2001;Magadi & Curtis, 2003). When the relationship between fertility behaviour and number of living children is considered the results have shown that for most women behaviour change occurs after they have borne three or four children, findings that have also been observed before (Toroitich-Ruto, 2001;Magadi & Curtis, 2003).…”

“…This selection follows past studies of fertility behaviour in sub-Saharan Africa (see, for instance, Amin et al, 1992;Shapiro & Tambashe, 1997;Toroitich-Ruto, 2001;Uchudi, 2001;Short & Kiros, 2002). This selection follows past studies of fertility behaviour in sub-Saharan Africa (see, for instance, Amin et al, 1992;Shapiro & Tambashe, 1997;Toroitich-Ruto, 2001;Uchudi, 2001;Short & Kiros, 2002).…”

“…Studies have demonstrated that the likelihood of using contraception increases with increasing parity (Bertrand et al, 1989;Toroitich-Ruto, 2001), which suggests that such women are likely to have achieved their fertility goals and desire to limit their fertility. Studies have demonstrated that the likelihood of using contraception increases with increasing parity (Bertrand et al, 1989;Toroitich-Ruto, 2001), which suggests that such women are likely to have achieved their fertility goals and desire to limit their fertility.…”