The European Union and the absence of fundamental rights in the Eurozone: A critical perspective

Pye, Robert B. K.

doi:10.1177/1354066117703177

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 47 publications

(108 reference statements)

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“…The internal sovereignty of the Member States is limited by constitutional rules and would be tailored to ensuring self-determination. In Europe, even though the EU falls short of meeting the cosmopolitan condition (see Brown, 2014; Thym, 2016; Pye, 2018), 22 the international law regime has, in fact, been transformed with profound significance for the statutes of European states. They are no longer sovereign nation states but members of a supranational union that possesses institutional provisions aimed at ensuring the fair value of political rights.…”

Section: A Regional Cosmopolitan Politymentioning

confidence: 99%

Banishing dominance in Europe: The case for regional cosmopolitanism

Eriksen

2019

European Journal of International Relations

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How is arbitrary rule – dominance – to be avoided when political differentiation is on the rise in the multilevel constellation that makes up the European Union? The EU is a power-wielding entity, that, due to its democratic deficits, is an instance of arbitrary rule, which differentiation only serves to exacerbate. This article discusses which political framework prevents dominance under conditions of asymmetric and complex interdependence, and economic integration in Europe. Under these conditions, the framework of international law is deficient, as the agreements with the associated non-members – the European Economic Area Agreement (EEA) and Switzerland – document. Here dominance appears to be self-incurred but nevertheless in breach with political freedom. Another is the framework suggested by Jürgen Habermas, of a pouvoir constituant mixte. Also, this framework raises the danger of arbitrary rule, as there is a risk that the autonomy of citizens would be pre-empted by the sovereignty of their states. The article holds the framework of a regional cosmopolitan federation – a rights-based polity with a distinct territorial reach – as more promising.

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Section: A Regional Cosmopolitan Politymentioning

confidence: 99%

Banishing dominance in Europe: The case for regional cosmopolitanism

Eriksen

2019

European Journal of International Relations

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“…La gestión y la gobernanza de la Unión Europea de la crisis humanitaria de los refugiados se dan en el contexto de un déficit real de solidaridad"(De Lucas, 2016a:30), esto es, de una masiva e inaceptable falta de solidaridad, un valor Europeo clave, hacia los refugiados (Lunacek, 2017: v-vi) y, de una extremadamente restrictiva comprensión de lo que implica el concepto de los derechos fundamentales (Pye, 2017). Por tanto, de "... una crisis institucional europea, una crisis de principios y valores, una crisis del proyecto político de la ue"(De Lucas, 2016b:98).…”

Section: La Gestión Y La Gobernanza De La "Crisis" De Los Inmigrantesunclassified

La “crisis” de los inmigrantes y refugiados en Europa: ¿una crisis de gobernanza?

Iñiguez

2018

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El objetivo de este trabajo es cuestionar desde aproximaciones críticas y decoloniales la gestión y la gobernanza de la “crisis” de los inmigrantes y refugiados en Europa. En particular, la explicación de que esta “crisis” es una crisis de gobernanza. Contextualizo esta emergencia humanitaria desde una comprensión inter y transdisciplinaria en la que, de entrada, presento un diagnóstico aproximado de la misma, en el que incorporo los datos actualizados de la Organización Internacional para las Migraciones (OIM), el organismo de las Naciones Unidas para la Migración y de la red europea Unidos por la Acción Intercultural contra el nacionalismo, el racismo, el fascismo y en apoyo de inmigrantes y refugiados, así como las reflexiones que considero pertinentes, generadas desde el campo de la Filosofía y la Sociología. A continuación, hago una revisión inicial que abarca varias disciplinas académicas sobre la gestión y la gobernanza de la “crisis” de los inmigrantes y refugiados en Europa. Finalmente, presento un conjunto de análisis sobre los escenarios de futuro alternativos posibles y probables de la Unión Europea con relación a sus políticas migratorias para 2030 desde el campo de la prospectiva estratégica y del campo de los estudios de los futuros, aunque no me circunscribo a esta problemática. Concluyo la presentación de mi trabajo reconociendo que en Europa se está dando esta emergencia humanitaria y que muy posiblemente esta se ha construyendo por la “implementación” de una gobernanza necropolítica, en la que la violación de los derechos humanos de los inmigrantes y refugiados en Europa y los datos, aproximados, sobre las muertes, y desapariciones son tan solo las partes más visibles de este problema complejo y perverso.

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“…These rights mechanisms have, to date, not been deployed to any great extent, including in the context of the Semester (see Pye, 2017). At a technical level, there are two main reasons for this.…”

Section: The Unfulfilled Promise Of Social Rightsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Mobilising social rights in EU economic governance: a pragmatic challenge to neoliberal Europe

Parker

Pye

2017

Comp Eur Polit

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A 'constitutional asymmetry' exists at the heart of contemporary EU socioeconomic governance, privileging the economic at the expense of the social. Prevailing academic responses suggest, on the one hand, the need for radical constitutional reforms aimed at redressing this asymmetry and, on the other hand, piecemeal reforms reliant on current soft and non-binding modes of governance for the championing of social concerns. Offering a pragmatic middle way between these positions, we identify the potential within the extant constitutional settlement to pursue a rebalancing in favour of the social. In particular, we highlight the Commission's preexisting legal and rhetorical commitment to social rights, arguing that it might draw on the standards established by the Council of Europe's European Committee of Social Rights (ECSR) and incorporate these into its economic governance mechanism, the European Semester. Such a step would usefully repoliticise socioeconomic governance in the short-term and promote radical reform in the long term.

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The European Union and the absence of fundamental rights in the Eurozone: A critical perspective

Cited by 4 publications

References 47 publications

Banishing dominance in Europe: The case for regional cosmopolitanism

Banishing dominance in Europe: The case for regional cosmopolitanism

La “crisis” de los inmigrantes y refugiados en Europa: ¿una crisis de gobernanza?

Mobilising social rights in EU economic governance: a pragmatic challenge to neoliberal Europe

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