The Euro-Atlantic Security System in the 21st Century

Abstract

Ample empirical evidence points to recent power shifts in multiple areas of international relations taking place between industrialized countries and emerging powers, as well as between states and non-state actors. However, there is a dearth of theoretical interpretation and synthesis of these findings, and a growing need for coherent approaches to understand and measure the transformation. The central issues to be addressed include theoretical questions and empirical puzzles: How can studies of global power shift and the rise of 'emerging powers' benefit from existing theories, and which alternative aspects and theoretical approaches might be suitable? How can the meanings, perceptions, dynamics, and consequences of global power shift be determined and assessed? This edited series will include highly innovative research on these topics. It aims to bring together scholars from all major world regions as well as different disciplines, including political science, economics and human geography. The overall aim is to discuss and possibly blend their different approaches and provide new frameworks for understanding global affairs and the governance of global power shifts.More information about this series at

Global and regional security. A return to military strength (?)

“…In many instances it meant a sharp decrease in armament expenditure and a shift of emphasis from military to extra-military criteria of security, where military strength was only one of the factors, and in many cases not the most important one. That situation had a rather negative impact on the military condition of many states and organisations, including NATO (Zięba, 2018). A gradual return to the increased importance of military strength can be observed in the asymmetric, hybrid world (Grigalashvili, 2020;Betts, 2012), i.e.…”

O potrzebie armii europejskiej w kontekście globalnej zmiany geopolitycznej

“…W tym kontekście kontynuacja europejskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa opartej na współpracy transatlantyckiej wydawała się być bardzo racjonalna, a nawet ekonomicznie uzasadniona. Co prawda pojawiały się pewne pęknięcia w tej współpracy, jak choćby różny stosunek do amerykańskiej koncepcji obrony przeciwrakietowej, interwencji w Iraku, czy skali wydatków wojskowych (Zięba, 2018).…”