In both the theory and practice of international relations, sovereignty has assumed a paramount place. Not only is the notion of sovereignty a central pillar of contemporary scholarship, but political elites throughout the world have frequently acted in ways that appeared consciously intended to consolidate its place in domestic and international affairs; hardly surprising, given that the position and power of such elites, especially in the developing world, was partly dependent on the continuity of this singular concept. And yet, for all sovereignty's undoubted continuing importance and the crucial historical role it has assumed for several centuries, its empirical basis and thus its theoretical standing looks less certain than ever before. A number of increasingly influential processes -conveniently subsumed under the rubric of 'globalisation' -are systematically undermining the foundations of national sovereignty and raising questions about the capacity of policymakers to act autonomously or effectively within national jurisdictions. The erosion of a discrete and relatively autonomous domestic sphere also presents major theoretical challenge. The key question that emerges from a consideration of sovereignty's place in an era characterised by process of globalisation is whether, at a time when sovereignty is clearly either being transformed or eroded, it any longer makes sense to conceive of national political and policy-making processes as if they were sovereign and autonomous? This paper will argue that it does not. While the notion of sovereignty remains a useful ideal-type and indicative of important potential qualities of states, it frequently gives a highly misleading picture of the reality of state power as it is currently realised across a range of highly differentiated national jurisdictions. Whatever sovereignty is taken to be, one would intuitively expect the United States to have a qualitatively and quantitatively different capacity to realise it than say, Laos. Revealingly, the conduct of the Vietnam War -in which these countries played conspicuous parts -reminds us that powerful countries have the capacity to fundamentally comprise the sovereignty of less powerful ones. Dramatic as such endlessly extendable examples may be, they are hardly unprecedented. By contrast, the challenge presented to national sovereignty by the multifaceted forces of globalisation is not simply novel, it is more insidious, relentless, and capable of affecting even the most powerful economies and sophisticated polities. Indeed, one of the great ironies of globalisation is that the those states that preside over the most developed economies and have the greatest capacity to influence the international system are helping to create an international order that is ultimately inimical to their own state sovereignty.