The end of atlanticism

Daalder, Ivo H.

doi:10.1080/00396330312331343536

Cited by 34 publications

(13 citation statements)

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“…Common American and European security interests, organised and resourced through NATO, were prioritised by politicians and academics alike throughout and since the cold war. Indeed, the attention paid in more recent years to the so-called 'Global War on Terrorism' (GWOT) and the differences between US and European approaches (Daalder, 2003) has served to divert attention from other policy fields in which the EU and the US have common concerns and interests. One such policy field is TER, which, when compared to these other features of the relationship, has been less explored by academics and neglected by political leaders.…”

Section: Transatlantic Economic Relations In Broad Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Making Transatlantic Economic Relations Work

Meyer¹,

Barber²

2011

Global Policy

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Relative to security issues, Transatlantic Economic Relations (TER) has been neglected by politicians and underexplored by academics and yet is of increasing importance. This article argues that TER is characterised by the mutual dysfunctionality of the political agenda and its institutional structure. The traditional narrow agenda, which has focused almost exclusively on reducing non‐tariff trade barriers, is a principal reason for this. This article uses the case of industrial and labour relations to demonstrate that greater engagement with major stakeholders and broadening the political agenda are key to breaking the deadlock. The article also argues for institutional innovations that could in principle be transferred to other neglected policy areas of TER.

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Section: Transatlantic Economic Relations In Broad Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Making Transatlantic Economic Relations Work

Meyer¹,

Barber²

2011

Global Policy

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“…Part of this argument is based on the notion that there are in operation different social models of capitalism, differences in political cultures and differences concerning nationalism and religion. The hubristic swagger and overt religiosity of President George W. Bush is often cited as evidence of the American ‘otherness’ (Daalder 2003). Other critics are even more colourful in their criticisms of America's retrograde popular culture which ‘gorges itself on fatty food, wallows in tawdry mass entertainment, starves the arts and prays only to one God, Mammon’ (Joffe 2001, 25, cited in Andrews 2005).…”

Section: A Divergence Of Political Values?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…And for many observers the depth and nature of the transatlantic dispute over Iraq signified just that, something quite different from previous disputes and therefore a radical departure from the traditional way of thinking about this relationship. For Ivo Daalder and Mick Cox, for example, it represents the ‘tipping point’ in a relationship which was already badly fractured in the wake of diverging trends since the end of the cold war (Daalder 2003; Cox 2005, 210). For this school of thought Iraq demonstrated that within the transatlantic relationship at least two conceptions of what the alliance meant were in operation.…”

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confidence: 99%

Assessing the Debate, Assessing the Damage: Transatlantic Relations after Bush

Dunn¹

2009

The British Journal of Politics and International Relations

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Transatlantic relations during the Bush administration sank to the lowest point in the post-war period following the invasion of Iraq in 2003. This article provides an analysis of both the current state of that relationship and the academic debate which accompanies it. Arguments over the impact of various factors are analysed to determine the extent of transatlantic divergence. Thus, demographic change in America and Europe, divergence of political values between Europe and America, power differences, post-war geopolitical realignments, European integration and American unilateralism and exceptionalism are all analysed and evaluated. While some of these arguments presented are challenged, the article argues that the process of constructing separate European and American identities from within the transatlantic community is the single most significant contemporary challenge to transatlantic relations.The active and public political opposition to the US-led war in Iraq by France and Germany in 2003 brought to an abrupt and dramatic end the post-war transatlantic bargain-that of American leadership and European deference in exchange for a military security guarantee in Europe and beyond. What was left was a divided alliance unsure how to relate to American power, or even what that power should be used for and directed against. Since the low point of 2003 there has been a concerted effort on both sides to mend relations across the Atlantic but there has been no return to the status quo ante. 1 What lay behind this particular crisis in transatlantic relations is an interesting case study of the current tensions in transatlantic relations and is the subject of this article. It is an assessment of the state of the debate as well as the extent of the damage caused by the disputes of the Bush era. Arguments over the impact of various factors are analysed to determine what is, and what is not, a structural driver of transatlantic divergence. Thus, demographic change in America and Europe, divergence of political values between Europe and America, power differences, post-war geopolitical realignments, European integration and American unilateralism and exceptionalism are all analysed and evaluated. While some of these arguments presented are challenged, the article argues that the process of constructing separate European and American identities from within what used to be the common transatlantic community is the single most significant challenge to transatlantic relations in the wake of the crisis over Iraq.Transatlantic relations have long been the subject of academic debate, with each successive episode being presented as uniquely different from the previous crisis in

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“…In this sense, these different kinds of "ties that bind"-and continue to bind-should not be forgotten as important sources of momentum to seek common ground between America and Europe. Some have questioned whether the war on terrorism and the Bush Administration's policies have diminished the importance of the transatlantic ties (Daalder 2005), but these continuing realities speak for themselves and suggest another conclusion: they remain crucial building blocks for sustained cooperation.…”

Section: Constraints and Incentives For Closing The Conceptual And Acmentioning

confidence: 99%

The War on Terror and Contemporary U.S.‐European Relations

McCormick

2006

Politics & Policy

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This article examines the evolution of the Bush Administration’s foreign policy approach and assesses how that evolution has affected European‐American relations in the recent past and how it may affect ties in the future. The twin concepts of a conceptual gap and an action gap between America and Europe over U.S. foreign policy are utilized as organizing themes. The former refers to the gap between Europe and America over the assumptions that govern U.S. foreign policy behavior; the latter refers to the gap in the policy behavior of these parties. The so‐called “war on terror” serves as the principal reference point in discussing these gaps. The article’s conclusion is ultimately an optimistic one. A conceptual gap in foreign policy will likely remain between Western Europe (and much of the European Union) and America, but the action gap between the two sides has already narrowed and will likely continue to do so.

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The end of atlanticism

Cited by 34 publications

References 0 publications

Making Transatlantic Economic Relations Work

Making Transatlantic Economic Relations Work

Assessing the Debate, Assessing the Damage: Transatlantic Relations after Bush

The War on Terror and Contemporary U.S.‐European Relations

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