The Emergence of Extramural Cemeteries in Neolithic Southeast Europe: A Formally Modeled Chronology for Cernica, Romania

Abstract

The emergence of separate cemeteries for disposal of the dead represents a profound shift in mortuary practice in the Late Neolithic of southeast Europe, with a new emphasis on the repeated use of a specific space distinct from, though still often close to, settlements. To help to time this shift more precisely, this paper presents 25 dates from 21 burials in the large cemetery at Cernica, in the Lower Danube valley in southern Romania, which are used to formally model the start, duration of use and end of the cemetery. A further six dates were obtained from four contexts for the nearby settlement. Careful consideration is given to the possibility of environmental and dietary offsets. The preferred model, without freshwater reservoir offsets, suggests that use of the Cernica cemetery probably began in5355–5220 cal BC (95% probability)and ended in5190–5080 cal BC (28% probability)or5070–4940 (67% probability). The implications of this result are discussed, including with reference to other cemeteries of similar age in the region, the nature of social relations being projected through mortuary ritual, and the incorporation of older, Mesolithic, ways of doing things into Late Neolithic mortuary practice.

Reconstructing genetic histories and social organisation in Neolithic and Bronze Age Croatia

“…While this could indicate the presence of some distant matrilineal relationships, which also interestingly suggests connections between those deposited in the channel (POP24) and others buried in the main intramural site, close biological kinship does not form the foundation for selection to be buried here, questioning suggestions that those buried together in buildings represent extended families 4 . This may not have been the only form of burial practice however, with biological kin buried elsewhere 18 , 20 . The high representation of children, in particular girls, as well as burials of neonates, likely signifies age and sex selection and an ascribed status based around the community’s belief systems, for which various explanations have been put forth regarding similar Neolithic intramural sites in the region 20 , 41 .…”

“…By the Late Neolithic in southeast Europe and southern Transdanubia, a new mortuary practice emerged with the appearance of cemeteries located away from the space of the living 18 . This was accompanied by growing social distinctions among burials 4 , 23 , signalling an important change in people’s relationship with the dead 18 .…”

“…By the Late Neolithic in southeast Europe and southern Transdanubia, a new mortuary practice emerged with the appearance of cemeteries located away from the space of the living 18 . This was accompanied by growing social distinctions among burials 4 , 23 , signalling an important change in people’s relationship with the dead 18 . The Croatian Copper Age (4500/4300 BCE—2400 BCE) saw the settlement of the Lasinja, Baden, Kostolac and Vučedol cultures, among others, in what is present-day continental Croatia 24 – 26 , which witnessed the growth of trade networks and more pronounced social hierarchy as seen in the appearance of high status burials 27 , 28 .…”

“…1). By 5200 BCE the Starčevo had been superseded by the Sopot culture 16,17 , which practised intramural burial rites, where predominantly children and women were interred under the floors of houses and along walls or other locations within the settlement [18][19][20] . One important question ancient DNA can help to address is who was selected for such intramural burials, and whether biological kinship played a role.…”

Early Balkan Metallurgy: Origins, Evolution and Society, 6200–3700 BC

“…72-75, fig. 28: 18, 19;Pernicka et al 1997, p. 44;Sterud & Sterud, 1974, p. 258;Stratton et al 2019;Todorova, 1981, p. 4;Vlassa, 1967). Lumps and flakes of copper minerals were also identified in the settlements of Zmajevac in eastern Serbia and at Szarvas 23 in Hungary (cf.…”