The spread of coma cultivation among the Maka in the 1950s created new labour demands. These were not met by wage labour, as in most cocoa producing areas, but rather by a novel system of working groups. Specific economic factors can help to explain why wage labour did not develop within the villages, but it is also clear that the preference of the Maka for more cooperative labour arrangements was related to broader sociocultural characteristics of this societynotably the somewhat paradoxical tension between strong levelling mechanisms and an equally strong emphasis on personal ambition. The new working groups were based on reciprocal exchange of labour, but money came to play an increasing role in their functioning. They allowed for a certain degree of commodification of labour to the advantage of richer farmers, but ultimately they restricted the rise of more structural inequalities. The recent crisis in cash-cropping makes it clear that a system of working groups can offer farmers more flexibility than wage labour in the face of the vagaries of world-market prices.Cash-crop cultivation reached the Maka of the forests of southeastern Cameroon relatively late, taking off effectively around 1950.' As elsewhere, the new forms of cultivation-first mainly cocoa, later also coffee-led to important changes in the organization of labour. It is striking, however, that in contrast to most cocoa-producing areas2 this did not lead to the emergence of wage labour, but rather to the development of a system of working groups. This is all the more surprising since wage labour had already existed in this area for several decades. Within the villages, cashcrop cultivation became dominated by working groups, a system based on a