1983
DOI: 10.1017/s1049096500015572
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The Election of Harold Washington: Black Voting Patterns in the 1983 Chicago Mayoral Race

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Cited by 4 publications
(7 citation statements)
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“…While the share of the votes cast by African Americans did not increase appreciably in most states, the share coming from whites declined by at least three percentage points in seven states with the largest decreases coming in Alabama (8 points) and Georgia (7 points). In contrast with what often occurs in municipal elections that elect the first black mayor (Hajnal 2007;Preston 1983), the Obama candidacy did not stimulate a massive countermobilization among whites. …”
Section: Changing Make-up Of the Electoratecontrasting
confidence: 77%
“…While the share of the votes cast by African Americans did not increase appreciably in most states, the share coming from whites declined by at least three percentage points in seven states with the largest decreases coming in Alabama (8 points) and Georgia (7 points). In contrast with what often occurs in municipal elections that elect the first black mayor (Hajnal 2007;Preston 1983), the Obama candidacy did not stimulate a massive countermobilization among whites. …”
Section: Changing Make-up Of the Electoratecontrasting
confidence: 77%
“…These developments might explain the high levels of black participation observed in 1967, since these organizations, operating well before the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, helped register and mobilize black voters. Consider, again, the case of the 1983 mayoral election in Chicago, where, for the first time, registration rates between middle-class, working-class and poor black wards became roughly equal (Kleppner 1985;Preston 1987). Kleppner writes that in 1982, as a response to their dissatisfaction with the current administration, more than two hundred black grass-roots organizations, along with the black churches, worked together to register new black voters.…”
Section: A Model Of Black Political Participationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For example, in 1967, when Carl Stokes was elected mayor of Cleveland, roughly 80% of blacks who were eligible to vote did vote (Nelson 1987). In the 1983 election of Harold Washington in Chicago, approximately 85% of votingeligible blacks turned out (Kleppner 1985;Preston 1987). Jackson's candidacy could have brought new black participants into the political process and could very well have boosted black voter turnout in 1984, since, presumably, blacks turn out and vote in greater numbers when a black is competing for elective office because of group loyalty, pride, and increased interest-especially when the black candidate is the first black to seek a particular office.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Starting as early as the 1980s, political scientists demonstrated that blacks participated more in politics when there was a black candidate on the ballot (Abney and Hutcheson 1981; Griffin and Keane 2006; Preston 1983; Tate 1991; Washington 2006). For example, several studies showed that blacks were more likely to vote in an election with a black mayoral, U.S. Senate, gubernatorial, or presidential candidate (Abney and Hutcheson 1981; Preston 1983; Tate 1991; Washington 2006). While descriptive politicians’ influence on black political activity differed at various levels of government, 1 a number of studies demonstrated that blacks were more participatory in races with co-racial candidates.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%