“…We know that the amount of credit-claiming in official congressional communication varies by ideological extremism, electoral vulnerability, committee assignment, majority party status (Esterling, Lazar, and Neblo 2005;Grimmer et al 2012;Lipinski 2004;Yiannakis 1982), as well as by gender (Dolan and Kropf 2004;Gulati 2004). Likewise, candidates vary the types of appeals they use in campaign communications dependent upon their standing in the polls and the number of other candidates in the race (Hassell 2011).…”
Section: Representation Through Presentation and Explanationmentioning
“…We know that the amount of credit-claiming in official congressional communication varies by ideological extremism, electoral vulnerability, committee assignment, majority party status (Esterling, Lazar, and Neblo 2005;Grimmer et al 2012;Lipinski 2004;Yiannakis 1982), as well as by gender (Dolan and Kropf 2004;Gulati 2004). Likewise, candidates vary the types of appeals they use in campaign communications dependent upon their standing in the polls and the number of other candidates in the race (Hassell 2011).…”
Section: Representation Through Presentation and Explanationmentioning
“…Most press coverage of representatives emerges from local news outlets, where the tone is expected to be warm and friendly, and the possibility of news monitoring seems unlikely (Cook 1998). We often presume that local news media are simply conduits for House members to communicate with their constituents (Fenno 1978;Lipinski 2001;Mayhew 1974). Some have argued that strategic interactions occur between House members and journalists during the formation of the news product (Ansolabehere, Behr, and Iyengar 1993;Cook 1998;Zaller 1999), but scholars have not yet defined or tested the scope and shape of a strategic news media.…”
Section: The Strategy Of the Story: Media Monitoring Legislative Actimentioning
To what degree do the news media provide voters with the information needed to hold House members accountable for their actions in Congress? Previous studies have simply debated whether or not local news media cover politicians' actions, but this article considers the news media as a strategic actor when covering House members. I developed a set of theoretical expectations about the conditions under which local news media would be more or less likely to monitor the actions of members of Congress outside of election seasons. I tested these expectations using an extensive content analysis of local newspapers in both descriptive and multivariate settings. I find that local news media are strategic in their coverage of local members of Congress. Local newspapers invest more resources to cover out‐of‐step members than they do to follow members with policy preferences congruent with the district's. In addition, coverage of out‐of‐step members tends to be less positive than coverage of in‐step members.
“…Lipinski, Bianco, and Work (2003) examine congressional mailings to determine whether members run for Congress by running against Congress. Lipinski (2001) finds that constituents correctly recall positions that legislators took in franked mailings. Yiannakis (1982) examines legislator-constituent linkages, and finds that communication styles are dependent on political contexts.…”
Section: Measuring Legislators' Platforms With Franked Mailmentioning
confidence: 98%
“…Franked mail is an important part of gaining visibility and communicating with constituents (Cook, 1989;Lipinski, 2004;Middlemass and Grose, 2007). Franked mail dates back to the First Continental Congress in 1775 and gives members the right to send out mail at no cost to themselves with their signature instead of a stamp.…”
Section: Measuring Legislators' Platforms With Franked Mailmentioning
Are legislators' party affiliations or is district partisanship the greatest predictor of legislative support of the president? Do members of the U.S. House emphasize different policy positions when casting roll calls than when communicating their positions to constituents? We theorize that party is less important in legislators' district-oriented behavior than in roll-call voting. When casting roll calls, legislators are agents facing multiple principals, namely, political party leaders and their district constituencies. When engaging in district-oriented behavior, the only key principal is the legislator's constituency. Copyright (c) 2010 by the Southwestern Social Science Association.
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