The Dynamics of China’s Accession to the WTO: Counting Sense, Coalitions and Constructs

Blanchard, Jean‐Marc F.

doi:10.1163/15685314-12341303

Cited by 9 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 41 publications

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“…The paper from Lai et al (2016) confirms the fact that China has huge trade from its 2002 accession to the WTO. The acceleration of OFDI was a key drivers for China’s pursuit of WTO membership (Blanchard, 2013). There has been an enormous increase of China’s trade with different regions of the world.…”

Section: Discussion and Comparison With Other Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Determinants of China’s outward foreign direct investment in the Belt & Road economies

Shahriar

Kea

2019

IJOEM

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the major determinants of China’s outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) in the economies along the “Belt & Road” Initiative (BRI afterward). China works on to advance the agenda of the BRI both at home and abroad. The BRI is set up to promote connectivity in five key areas: policy coordination, infrastructure connectivity, trade facilitation, financial cooperation and people-to-people contacts. Design/methodology/approach The existing literature is inconclusive with regards to the motives, patterns and determinants of the Chinese OFDI. The authors are, therefore, motivated to undertake this study to shed some new light on the influencing factors of the Chinese OFDI. The authors have made a unique data set that consists of China and its 64 partnering countries of the BRI over a time period of 12 years spanning from 2004 to 2015. This time period is chosen on the chief consideration of data availability. The authors have a balanced panel, and applied the gravity model in line with the theoretical arguments and econometric developments. Findings The paper assumes that China’s OFDI along the BRI was a function of gross domestic product (GDP), income per capita, distance and WTO. The findings showed that GDP, per capita income and distance were the key determinants of the OFDI. China’s entry into the WTO did not strongly affect the OFDI. China maintained a tradition of historical relationships along the BRI economies. After all, China is relocating its investment resources in line with the consideration of its partnering countries’ economic size, cross-border distance and per capita income. Originality/value This study is the first of its kinds to analyze the determinants of OFDI by means of gravity model. The authors have covered all the countries along the BRI. Hence, this paper aims to make a substantial contribution to the literature, both from a scientific and a policy perspective.

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Section: Discussion and Comparison With Other Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Determinants of China’s outward foreign direct investment in the Belt & Road economies

Shahriar

Kea

2019

IJOEM

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“…It should then come as no surprise that the BRI is predated by, and in many ways marks the culmination of, earlier developmental and foreign policy strategies that also tried to give China a greater role in regional and global networks. Previous administrations already promoted the idea of developing Chinese border regions by 'going West' via Xinjiang (Moneyhon 2003) and by 'going out' to join international organizations like the WTO (Blanchard 2013;Lu 2015; and the contributions in Wang 2015). Indeed, while it may at times seem as though the BRI and its allied initiatives, such as the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), challenge the institutions of the US-led Bretton Woods system, they frequently sit alongside existing institutions and they draw expertise and procedures from organizations like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (see Wilson 2017).…”

Section: Seven Years Of the Bri: Hopes Anxieties And Controversiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

1 Actors and Agency in China’s Belt and Road Initiative

Schneider¹

2021

Global Perspectives on China's Belt and Road Initiative

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This introduction provides the context and theoretical background that informs the studies in this volume. It introduces the volume's common theme: the question of how different actors give shape to BRI projects. It outlines how, rather than treating nation states as singular, monolithic actors, this volume teases apart the way different people and organizations insert themselves into BRI decision-making and implementation. The chapter discusses how we might conceptualize agency in such contexts, drawing together the volume's findings to arrive at four conclusions: 1) that in understanding the BRI, geographical context matters; 2) that the BRI is a pluralist endeavour rather than a single, unified agenda; 3) that BRI efforts often extend rather than challenge existing politics; and 4) that outcomes depend on the activities of local actors.

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“…Moving from description to explanation, other authors sought to explain the multilateral behaviour of rising powers. These studies ranged from accounts emphasising domestic interest groups (Schirm 2012, Blanchard 2013, da Conceição-Heldt 2013, domestic political economic conditions , status concerns (Narlikar 2006, Wolf 2014, to structural material and institutional constraints (Ikenberry 2011a, Stephen 2014. Today, attention has turned to examining the consequences of rising powers for international institutions.…”

Section: Power Shifts and Institutional Changementioning

confidence: 99%

New Powers and the Distribution of Preferences in Global Trade Governance: From Deadlock and Drift to Fragmentation

Stephen

Pařízek

2018

New Political Economy

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Existing theories make divergent predictions about the impact of new powers on the global political economy. Some argue that a more even distribution of power will erode international cooperation, while others argue that cooperation can continue with the help of international institutions to overcome collective action problems. We argue that this debate overlooks a critical determinant of the shape of power transitions: the distribution of preferences amongst the major powers. It is primarily in the context of divergent preferences that power transitions are likely to give rise to conflict. Moreover, even where preferences diverge, the gains of cooperation provide a strong incentive to continue to pursue goals through multilateralism. This situation leads to forms of institutional change unanticipated by established theories. These include deadlock in expansive multilateral fora, institutional drift as old rules cannot keep up with the changing political and economic context, and fragmentation as countries seek minilateral solutions that reduce preference diversity. We develop this preference-based, institutional argument by examining the distribution of preferences and institutional change at the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its Doha Round, where the power transition is relatively advanced.

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The Dynamics of China’s Accession to the WTO: Counting Sense, Coalitions and Constructs

Cited by 9 publications

References 41 publications

Determinants of China’s outward foreign direct investment in the Belt & Road economies

Determinants of China’s outward foreign direct investment in the Belt & Road economies

1 Actors and Agency in China’s Belt and Road Initiative

New Powers and the Distribution of Preferences in Global Trade Governance: From Deadlock and Drift to Fragmentation

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