The Divine Institution

Bjork‐James, Sophie

doi:10.36019/9781978824492

Cited by 17 publications

(16 citation statements)

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“…Same-sex-attracted Jews viewed their sexuality as an intrinsic part of their Judaism, in similar ways to how anthropologists have observed how religious and sexual subjectivities are integrated in conceptualizations of the self (Avishai 2020;Bjork-James 2021;Boellstorff 2005). Born and raised Haredi, and married at the age of 18 to a man through the shidduch system, Goldie drew attention to how the 'alternative religious modernity' of Haredi Judaism had erased non-normative families from its lifeworld as a necessary precondition to constructing a non-grammar of 'it': Educators, too, sought to quietly support same-sex-attracted Jews and their families -though strictly outside the domain of Haredi schools.…”

Section: Equality Education As a Possibility For Being And Livingmentioning

confidence: 69%

“…Haredi attempts to cultivate a non‐grammar of homosexuality and LGBT content, as encoded in textbooks, Ofsted reports, and WhatsApp messages, offer an analytical departure from current ethnographic inquiries into conservative religious encounters with sexuality. Sophie Bjork‐James argues how resistance to the advancement of LGBT rights among conservative Christian evangelicals in the United States is bound up in defending the family ‘as a way to defend both God and the nation’ (2021: 112). There are, of course, differences in the subject‐positions of Haredi Jews in Britain, as an ethnic and religious minority, and Christian evangelicals in the United States, who largely form part of the White American majority population.…”

Section: Rendering Homosexuality a Non‐grammarmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Aporetic differences? Equality entitlements, religious schools, and contours of protection

Kasstan

2023

Royal Anthropological Inst

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The requirement for schools in England to implement equality education has led religious conservative minorities to voice a conflict between legally protected characteristics of religion and sexual orientation. Drawing on long‐term ethnographic engagement with Jewish orthodoxies in England, the article critiques these apparent aporetic differences by tracing the grammars of protection that are fielded by custodians of state governance and religious conservativism in public disputes and how particular grammars of protection are rendered authoritative over others. The article excavates how the staging of authoritative grammars of protection by state and religious conservative actors forecloses an understanding of the subject‐positions that manoeuvre at the sidelines to integrate ways of being and protect a space for difference. Through the framing of an arm‐wrestle, the article critiques negotiations over policy and legal reform as it is grasped in social worlds, and explores how state and religious conservative actors move within the conventions of secular liberal governance to maintain their authority and stakes amidst challenges to continuity.

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Section: Equality Education As a Possibility For Being And Livingmentioning

confidence: 69%

Section: Rendering Homosexuality a Non‐grammarmentioning

confidence: 99%

Aporetic differences? Equality entitlements, religious schools, and contours of protection

Kasstan

2023

Royal Anthropological Inst

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“…US notions of personhood further rely on Christian formulations of the individual as an elemental feature of the Protestant subject (Bielo, 2007;Cannell, 2006;Robbins, 2014). In other words, when we talk about who or what is a person in the United States, we are talking about the intersecting legacies of white supremacy and Christianity (Bjork-James, 2021;Butler, 2021;Schneider and Bjork-James, 2020). Here, we ask: What kind of personhood materializes in Indiana's HEA 1337?…”

Section: Constructing Fetal Personhoodmentioning

confidence: 99%

Deploying fetal death: “Fetal burial” laws and the necropolitics of reproduction in Indiana

Cromer

Bjork‐James

2023

PoLAR

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While abortion foes in the United States rhetorically promote “life,” discursive invocations of death are foundational to antiabortion advocacy. Pro‐life strategists have made gains mandating the mourning of aborted fetuses through fetal burial bills, which require abortion providers to cremate or bury fetal tissue from abortion procedures. Fetal burial bills are inextricably tied to biopolitical regimes that make and manage grievable life. Drawing on cultural anthropology, feminist social science, critical race theory, and long‐term research on white evangelicalism, this article examines government documents (e.g., Indiana statutes, court rulings, health reports, legislative activity, and state prosecutions) to provide a discursive critique of Indiana's fetal burial law. Constructions of aborted fetuses as grievable human life and the formations of personhood they promote undergird what anthropologist Leith Mullings called the necropolitics of reproduction—a framework explaining how reproduction is constitutive of political regimes that use systemic violence to determine who (or what) lives and dies. Legal conceptions of fetal personhood that hyper‐value fetal subjects entwine with systemic racism, Christian ideology, and anti‐environmentalism to diminish the Black and Brown bodies and environments on which their futures depend. This case is a bellwether for broader dynamics in anti‐abortion policy and activism in the post‐Roe era.

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“…Skarp kritik mot regeringen för det inträffade ledde till att flera ministrar och högt uppsatta personer inom statliga myndigheter tvingades eller valde att avgå. 65 Marschen fortsatte till La Paz medan motsättningarna eskalerade och spred sig. Moralesregeringen anklagades, av samma grupper som hjälpte den till makten, för att inte efterleva sina egna idéer om vivir bien, urbefolkningars territoriella rättigheter och den nya lagen om respekt för Moder Jord.…”

Section: Klimatpolitiska Spänningarunclassified

“…Moralesregeringen anklagades, av samma grupper som hjälpte den till makten, för att inte efterleva sina egna idéer om vivir bien, urbefolkningars territoriella rättigheter och den nya lagen om respekt för Moder Jord. 66 Regeringen backade till slut för protesterna och meddelade att vägen inte kommer att byggas genom TIPNIS. 67 Frågan är dock fortfarande aktuell, och fick ytterligare uppmärksamhet då representanter för CIDOB och CONAMAQ höll en presskonferens på COP17 i Durban, där de berättade om TIPNIS-konflikten, visade bilder från polisens ingripande mot protestmarschen och inför utländska medier anklagade den bolivianska regeringen för att vara kapitalistisk och förtryckande och använda sig av en dubbel diskurs: en i internationella sammanhang och en annan på hemmaplan.…”

Section: Klimatpolitiska Spänningarunclassified

Intersektionalitet för klimatsolidaritet - Om klimatdiskussionen i Bolivia och vikten av analytisk komplexitet

Kaijser

2011

TGV

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Climate change illustrates the entanglement of “society” and “nature”, and the problems associated with this binary division. For humans, climate change plays out on a social arena. In light of climate change, pre-existing power structures based on categorizations such as gender, class and ethnicity may be reinforced or challenged. I argue that intersectionality, developed within feminist theory, is a useful tool for analyzing the power dynamics of climate change. Feminist research on climate change is still small, and an intersectional perspective has not been applied to the topic to any significant extent. The intersectional framework that I propose is constructivist; even though social categories are highly relevant in their specific contexts, they are subject to constant reconstruction and negotiation, and thereby inherently fluid. This stance enables identifying social categorizations as crucial for how people relate to climate change, comprehending how climate change may (re) construct social categorizations and power dynamics, and finding motivation for engagement and solidarity beyond identity politics. To illustrate how an intersectional perspective is useful in this regard, I present the example of Bolivia. Bolivia is an interesting case because of its recent political development, in which a left-wing assembly of indigenous movements and workers’ unions has reached government power, and because of the vivid debate on climate change within the country. The government has promoted a radical discourse in international climate negotiations, but in turn been criticized by their own supporters for not living up to their high moral standards domestically. In these debates, climate and environment issues have been framed mainly in relation to the categories of ethnicity and class, while for instance gender has until recently remained quite invisible. Climate change and environment debates have thus become a stage for construction and negotiation of social categories in Bolivia. In my article, I provide an analysis of this situation, based on an intersectional understanding.

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The Divine Institution

Cited by 17 publications

References 0 publications

Aporetic differences? Equality entitlements, religious schools, and contours of protection

Aporetic differences? Equality entitlements, religious schools, and contours of protection

Deploying fetal death: “Fetal burial” laws and the necropolitics of reproduction in Indiana

Intersektionalitet för klimatsolidaritet - Om klimatdiskussionen i Bolivia och vikten av analytisk komplexitet

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