2016
DOI: 10.1353/lan.2016.0049
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The discourse basis of ergativity revisited

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Cited by 52 publications
(19 citation statements)
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“…PAS is proposed as a linguistic universal, but English appears to be a glaring exception to it, conforming only with respect to the O role. In English, new information tends to be introduced in direct object position rather than in subject position, as corpus work in English and work on PAS has consistently found (Prince 1981(Prince , 1992Francis et al, 1999;Everett 2009;Haig & Schnell 2016). For example, the transitive pattern can be illustrated by a discourse like (3), where in (3a) the DP in the A role has the status given (and is pronominal), and new information occurs in the direct object position, in the O role.…”
Section: English As An Ergative Language?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…PAS is proposed as a linguistic universal, but English appears to be a glaring exception to it, conforming only with respect to the O role. In English, new information tends to be introduced in direct object position rather than in subject position, as corpus work in English and work on PAS has consistently found (Prince 1981(Prince , 1992Francis et al, 1999;Everett 2009;Haig & Schnell 2016). For example, the transitive pattern can be illustrated by a discourse like (3), where in (3a) the DP in the A role has the status given (and is pronominal), and new information occurs in the direct object position, in the O role.…”
Section: English As An Ergative Language?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While co‐occurrence does not mean the two types are not logically distinct, it does strongly suggest there may be a link between them—as also suggested by the occurrence of apparently probabilistic realizations of animacy‐based splits as in Nepali, and partly also in Jaminjung. Links could be sought in functional‐typological generalizations, for instance adapting McGregor's () argument about generalized meanings of optionality to referent‐based splits, or using Preferred Argument Structure to link animacy principles with discourse structure (Du Bois, , but see also Haig & Schnell, ), or using OT‐style mechanisms with generalized constraints to incorporate both animacy‐based and prominence‐based phenomena (e.g., de Hoop & Malchukov, ). Given that the explanatory value of animacy‐based hierarchies can be questioned, however, it may also be useful to look elsewhere, specifically at diachrony (see also Cristofaro, ; Cristofaro & Zúñiga, ).…”
Section: Functional and Typological Generalizationsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…On the other hand, the discourse-semantic prominence of a referent correlates negatively with the prominence of a linguistic expression: It seems that universally, discourse-prominent referents are expressed with lighter linguistic material (e.g. Ariel, 1990;Arnold, 2008:495;Chafe, 1976;Chafe, 1994:75-76;Givón, 1983:18;Gundel et al, 1993;Kibrik, 2011:46;Prince, 1981), as do semantically prominent referents such as humans (see Haig and Schnell, 2016). Possibly the first published statement in this regard was made by John Walker (1781:15): "Those things with which we suppose our hearers to be pre-acquainted, we express by such a subordination of stress as is suitable to the small importance of things already understood".…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%