The ‘Disallowed’ Political Participation of Manila's Urban Poor

Abstract

In the Philippines, re-democratization has seen the emergence of new modes of political participation for extra-parliamentary oppositions that are variously aligned with the poor. These involve collective representation within the state and multilateral organizations, or societal incorporation. Among extra-parliamentary oppositions, the urban poor, as a political movement of squatters, has experienced societal incorporation through new laws and programmes that enable access to formal land tenure through market inclusion. In this way, their political participation is limited to proximate representation by non-governmental organisations in the implementation of programmes and projects. But the urban poor are also known for their 'disallowed' participation as voters in electoral contests. The disappointing outcomes from societal incorporation have forced the urban poor to persist with this civil society expression of their activism. This article explains the class logic to the urban poor's 'disallowed' political participation under prevailing neo-liberal conditions.

Political Economy and the Aid Industry in Asia

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Between Street Demonstrations and Ballot Box: Tenure Rights, Elections, and Social Movements among the Urban Poor in Jakarta

“…First, scholars have argued that the urban poor-owing to their poverty-are vulnerable to the practice of patronage, especially in "one man, one vote" systems. Direct democratic systems are argued to have promoted vote buying around the globe, including in Indonesia (Aspinall and Sukmajati, 2014) and the Philippines (Hutchison, 2007). Such studies argue that the urban poor become politically active for short-term benefits: receiving money in exchange for their votes, thereby establishing opportunistic and mutually beneficial relationships with their representatives.…”

Worlding aspirations and resilient futures: Framings of risk and contemporary city‐making in Metro Cebu, the Philippines

“…The predisposition of the MCDCB to advancing the interests of the city's business elites by prioritising private‐sector growth is further solidified by the number of local government heads constituting much of the remainder of the board, many of whom (as is the case with politicians across the Philippines) are themselves from families of wealthy, powerful business moguls. This administrative arrangement lends itself to elite capture (Yilmaz and Venugopal, ), with decentralisation in this context serving the personal interests of the upper‐class and narrowing rather than expanding opportunities for the urban poor to participate directly in local politics (Hutchison, ).…”