M ost research on "race" measures race using a respondent's self-identification. As researchers, we commonly use this measure as a proxy for many things, including an individual's racial identity and how an individual is perceived by others. But this entails a fundamentally flawed assumption: that individuals' self-identification consistently matches how others perceive them. In reality, our perceptions of others are unquestionably biased by our own characteristics (Harris 2002;Hill 2002). Moreover, given the demographic trends today toward greater multiracial identification and racial and ethnic heterogeneity, there is good reason to expect increasing mismatch between selfidentification and the perceptions of others. What are the social-psychological consequences of being perceived by others as part of a different racial group than the group one claims for one's self? We investigate this question for one racial group that has high rates of mismatch between self-identification and others' perceptions: American Indians. 1 Given the importance We hypothesize that individuals who self-identify with one racial group but are routinely perceived by observers as "looking like" another racial group may experience negative outcomes associated with this stressful situation. Since American Indians experience very high rates of misclassification, we use them as our case in point. Drawing from the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health, our analyses compare young American Indian adults who are perceived as another race by an observer to those who are correctly classified, using several indicators of psychological distress: depression, suicidal thoughts, use of psychological counseling services, suicide attempts, and fatalism. We also investigate differences in racial attitudes and behaviors, such as belonging to an ethnic solidarity organization or believing it is important to have a committed relationship with someone of the same race. The evidence suggests that, on the whole, misclassified American Indians have higher rates of psychological distress. We conclude by discussing our findings and their wider implications, especially in the context of an increasingly heterogeneous and multiracial society.