The Development of Saudi-Iranian Relations since the 1990s

Alsultan, Fahad M.; Saeid, Pedram

doi:10.4324/9781315615462

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…Instead, he emphasized ties with regional countries and promoted a more independent pursuit of national interests. Often portrayed as a 'natural reconciler' (Hiro, 2018: 148), the Crown Prince was popular among many tribes and Arab leaders, such as Hafiz al-Asad of Syria and Kamal Jumblatt of Lebanon (Alsultan and Saeid, 2016). He was also seen as 'more closely attuned to domestic voices than Fahd' and less driven by sectarian narratives than the Sudayris (Okruhlik, 2003: 114).…”

Section: Second Intervening Variable: Monarchical Preferencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Saudi Arabian strategy reassessment since 2003: The emergence of a regional leadership via Neoclassical Realist lenses

Cerioli

2023

International Area Studies Review

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This article argues that the well-discussed international behaviour change in Saudi Arabia, rather than being a consequence of the so-called Arab Spring, resulted from a grand strategy reassessment in the early 2000s. Grand strategy concerns how states assess the geostrategic environment, plan resource allocation and prioritize policy to meet national interests. Since the 1970s, Riyadh judged its geopolitical vulnerabilities concerning Iran and Iraq realistically, supporting the least threatening actor from the two and relying on the United States to protect the status quo. However, the 2003 Iraqi invasion forced strategy reevaluation, as it removed Baghdad from the power competition, empowering Tehran, Washington and Riyadh. In this new scenario, Saudi Arabia eventually decides on regional leadership as its priority interest, promoting, thus, partial autonomy from Washington and competition with Tehran. By employing Neoclassical Realism, this article argues that the reevaluation was gradual and in continuity with the monarchical logic. For that, it explores Saudi power position and shifts within status satisfaction and inter-monarchical preferences. Empirically, the article aims to demystify the image of Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman as something that turned the tables within the leadership, arguing that changes in the country's international relations preceded his rise to power, being linked to King Abdullah. It concludes that, while Saudi Arabian geopolitical goal was clear for outside observers only after 2011, the planning process takes precedence. Theoretically, by providing insight into Saudi Arabia's status-seeking behaviour, its motivations and potential limitations, the article also contributes to discussions about de-Westernizing Realism by incorporating Middle Eastern contextuality.

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Section: Second Intervening Variable: Monarchical Preferencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, Abdullah was not a Sudayri and often disagreed with them on international policy (Alsultan and Saeid, 2016). Instead, he emphasized ties with regional countries and promoted a more independent pursuit of national interests.…”

Section: Second Intervening Variable: Monarchical Preferencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Saudi Arabian strategy reassessment since 2003: The emergence of a regional leadership via Neoclassical Realist lenses

Cerioli

2023

International Area Studies Review

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“…Based on the previous analysis, it is possible to refer to what Gause called "The New Middle East Cold War" in which Iran and Saudi Arabia are the main actors. The Cold War between the two states has its influence on many crises and conflicts in the region such as in Yemen, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Bahrain, and elsewhere (Gause III 2014;Alsultan and Saeid 2017).…”

Section: External Dimensions Of the Identity Conflicts In The Arab Worldmentioning

confidence: 99%

Post-Arab Spring: The Arab World Between the Dilemma of the Nation-State and the Rise of Identity Conflicts

Ali

2019

The Palgrave Handbook of Ethnicity

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The Arab world is one of the most volatile regions in the world suffering from identity conflicts. These conflicts, which revolve around religious, sectarian, ethnic, and tribal issues, represent the other side of the crisis of nation-state building in the Arab world in the postindependence era. Although identity conflicts are not new to the region, they have intensified after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the revolutions of the so-called Arab Spring. These two events revealed the deep crisis of the nation-state, thereby highlighting the failure of the postindependence ruling elites to establish nation states that can maintain a position of legitimacy and effectiveness. Being both legitimate and effective enables a state to include religious, sectarian, ethnic, and tribal pluralism within

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Iranian Constitution Under Pro-Center Dogmatic Authoritarianism and Pro-Persian Cosmopolitanism, and Its Impacts on Ethno-sectarian and Ethno-linguistic Minorities

Asim

2023

Ethnic Religious Minorities in Iran

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The Development of Saudi-Iranian Relations since the 1990s

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Saudi Arabian strategy reassessment since 2003: The emergence of a regional leadership via Neoclassical Realist lenses

Saudi Arabian strategy reassessment since 2003: The emergence of a regional leadership via Neoclassical Realist lenses

Post-Arab Spring: The Arab World Between the Dilemma of the Nation-State and the Rise of Identity Conflicts

Iranian Constitution Under Pro-Center Dogmatic Authoritarianism and Pro-Persian Cosmopolitanism, and Its Impacts on Ethno-sectarian and Ethno-linguistic Minorities

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