The Demographic Impact of Colonization

Newson, Linda A.

doi:10.1017/chol9780521812894.007

Cited by 17 publications

(14 citation statements)

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“…Ethnohistorical approaches are also problematic, however, because some disease epidemics may have preceded actual contact. Dobyns argues that the indigenous population dropped by as much as 95 percent, therefore the estimates of Kroeber, Steward, and Rosenblat are too low (Newson ).…”

Section: Methods Of Pre‐ and Protohistorical Demographymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Rosenblat () suggests that there were 1 million in 1492. For the same year, Denevan concludes that the aboriginal population was 1,055,000 in Paraguay, Uruguay, and southern Brazil and 5,664,000 in Amazonia (Newson ). Steward () applies the population densities of existing groups to similar once‐occupied areas resulting in a figure of 1.7 million, revised to 2.5 million by Hemming ().…”

Section: Methods Of Pre‐ and Protohistorical Demographymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Cook and Borah (1974) reconsider the population's rate of decline and raise this number to 25 million. A problem with using systematic records is that they are usually not available until long after 1492 and, even then, only in areas of state presence; for instance, parish records of baptisms, marriages, and deaths become available at the end of the sixteenth century in central Mexico (Newson 2006) and are simply absent for most of Amazonia in the earliest years after the Conquest.…”

Section: Methods Of Pre-and Protohistorical Demographymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Neither counterfeit nor paradise: The carrying capacity of pre‐Columbian ecosystems in Brazil

Bucciferro

2016

Economic Anthropology

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The size of Brazil's population before colonization is indicative of the devastation from slavery, disease, and general upheaval that followed. The question is controversial, however: The coast and Amazon floodplains were heavily settled, yet the extent to which complex societies occupied the upland forests and savannas is uncertain. The carrying capacities of 461 indigenous domains east of 57°W longitude are estimated using 3 approaches: a predator–prey model of energy flow calibrated with remote‐sensing data; feasible yields of maize, manioc, beans, and potatoes; and protein availability from hunting. Native ecosystems were capable of sustaining dozens of people per square kilometer, but the actual density was probably closer to a lower bound of 0.50. Within Amazonia, the floodplain could have supported several times more inhabitants than plateau forests, savannas, or scrubland. The overall standard of living was likely higher than commonly believed, although life in prehistoric Brazil was nonetheless far from “paradise.”

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Section: Methods Of Pre‐ and Protohistorical Demographymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methods Of Pre‐ and Protohistorical Demographymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methods Of Pre-and Protohistorical Demographymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Neither counterfeit nor paradise: The carrying capacity of pre‐Columbian ecosystems in Brazil

Bucciferro

2016

Economic Anthropology

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“…Hinsichtlich des historischen Gewordenseins der peruanischen Bevölkerung deuten bereits archäologische Funde auf eine Vielzahl von Kulturen und Ethnien sowohl in vorinkaischer als auch in inkaischer Zeit hin (Herrera 2007, Golte 2005, zahlreiche Beiträge in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP 2002, 2004 (Newson 2006, Brea 2003. Die katholische Kirche trug mit der Missionierung aller Gruppen zu einer gewissen kulturellen Homogenisierung bei, auch wenn sich dadurch ein Synkretismus entwickelte, der noch heute in Riten und Zeremonien verschiedener comunidades zu fi nden ist.…”

Section: Ungleichheiten In Der Peruanischen Bevölkerungunclassified

Perus Bevölkerung: Das historische Gewordensein von Diskriminierungen und Privilegierungen

Neuburger

Singer²

2018

REDES

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Die Bevölkerungs- und Sozialstruktur Perus zeigt eine große Vielfalt, die sich erst aus einer Darstellung des Gewordenseins gesellschaftlicher Strukturen und den Verwobenheiten von soziopolitischen Prozessen in unterschiedlichen räumlichen und zeitlichen Dimensionen erschließt. Die bereits in der inkaischen Gesellschaft angelegten Hierarchien wurden in der Kolonialzeit nicht gebrochen, sondern von der spanischen Krone reproduziert und mit eigenen Machtstrukturen überlagert. Die Systeme der Feudalgesellschaft mit Leibeigenschaft und Sklaverei wirken bis heute nach. Die hierarchischen Beziehungen zwischen den unterschiedlichen ethno-sozialen Gruppen sind bis heute durch die verschiedensten Formen von Diskriminierung und Rassismen wirkmächtig, wenn es um den Zugang zu Land und Einkommen, Bildung und gesellschaftliche Anerkennung geht. Anhand zweier Fallstudien arbeitet der Beitrag gesellschaftliche Strukturierungsdynamiken als Ergebnis ungleicher Machtstrukturen und postkolonialer Verhältnisse exemplarisch heraus. Das erste Beispiel fokussiert auf den Callejón de Huaylas im Department Ancash und setzt sich mit denjenigen Diskriminierungsmechanismen auseinander, unter denen insbesondere die ländlich-andine Bevölkerung leidet. Das zweite Beispiel konzentriert sich auf die ehemalige deutsch-tirolische Siedlung Pozuzo im Department Pasco, in dem die europä-isch-stämmige Bevölkerung als privilegierte Bevölkerungsgruppe ihre migrantische Identität machtvoll rekonstruiert und damit andere Zuschreibungen oder Hybriditäten negiert. In beiden Fallstudien spielen ethnische Zuschreibungen als Differenzkategorie und Legitimierungsstrategie eine wichtige Rolle für die Herausbildung der aufgezeigten Ungleichheiten.

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“…Ribeiro, Brazilian people , p. 10, claims that there were two to five million Natives in Brazil c . 1500; Rosenblat, La población indígena , p. 316, suggests one million; Denevan, in Newson, ‘Demographic impact’, p. 148, concludes that there were 1.1 million in Paraguay, Uruguay, and southern Brazil, and 5.6 million in Amazonia.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The economic geography of race in the New World: Brazil, 1500–2000†

Bucciferro

2017

The Economic History Review

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Race is a fundamental aspect of historical inequality and institutions, yet it is at times overlooked within the literature on comparative development in the Americas. This article investigates the nature of staple production in Brazil and attendant changes in the racial composition of 20 modern states from its discovery by the Portuguese to the present. The Indigenous population was surpassed by that of African descent in the north‐east, south‐east, and north, respectively, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; not until decades after the abolition of slavery did people of European heritage come to constitute a majority. These transitions were guided by the relative productivity, natural increase, and price of Native and African slaves, contingent on the extent of natural resource wealth (mineral deposits or land suitable for growing cash crops) and supply of free labour. In those areas where slavery was most profitable, a 1 per cent increase in the relative cost of Native labour raised the proportion of people of African ancestry by up to 2 per cent, depending on the measures of slave prices and racial classifications considered. This relationship is robust to changes in output prices or the populace of European descent, and alternative scenarios of aboriginal population decline.

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The Demographic Impact of Colonization

Cited by 17 publications

References 1 publication

Neither counterfeit nor paradise: The carrying capacity of pre‐Columbian ecosystems in Brazil

Neither counterfeit nor paradise: The carrying capacity of pre‐Columbian ecosystems in Brazil

Perus Bevölkerung: Das historische Gewordensein von Diskriminierungen und Privilegierungen

The economic geography of race in the New World: Brazil, 1500–2000†

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