Abstract:• Este é um artigo publicado em acesso aberto e distribuído sob os termos da Licença de Atribuição Creative Commons, que permite uso irrestrito, distribuição e reprodução em qualquer meio, desde que o autor e a fonte originais sejam creditados.
“…Supported by a favorable economic situation, the government expanded defense sector financing, both conventionally and nuclearly. A similar argument is presented by Herz, Dawood and Lage (2018), indicating the resumption of the security-development nexus, with the nuclear sector as one of its pillars. As highlighted by Andrade, Carpes and Leite, In Luis Inácio Lula da Silva's government (2003Silva's government ( -2010, there is the resumption of the Brazilian Nuclear Program (BNP), which begins with the revision of the existing program and the confirmation of its original objectives, namely: the construction of the nuclear submarine and the inauguration of the commercial uranium enrichment plant.…”
The knowledge regarding nuclear technology represented a new reality for the generation of energy and international security. The nuclear attacks of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 represented the beginning of the so-called nuclear era and of the “balance of terror” as presented by many analysts such as Raymond Aron, deepened by the arms race in the US-Soviet bipolarity after 1947. Besides the superpowers, different countries had begun to develop their nuclear programs. The cases of Brazil and India stand out, since they develop their research agendas n the 1950s and 1960s, in the Cold War context, as a path to enhance their autonomy and bargaining power. The spread of the nuclear knowledge represented a challenge for the superpowers, and the talks for mechanisms of nuclear proliferation control such as the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) started. This is the context in which Brazil and India develop their nuclear programs under the impact of its bilateral relations with the US. Although, these programs were convergent at first, in the search for nuclear autonomy, adjustments are going to be observed on both policies after the end of the Cold War. The article aims to understand the importance and history of Brazil and India nuclear programs and US weight on these agendas.
“…Supported by a favorable economic situation, the government expanded defense sector financing, both conventionally and nuclearly. A similar argument is presented by Herz, Dawood and Lage (2018), indicating the resumption of the security-development nexus, with the nuclear sector as one of its pillars. As highlighted by Andrade, Carpes and Leite, In Luis Inácio Lula da Silva's government (2003Silva's government ( -2010, there is the resumption of the Brazilian Nuclear Program (BNP), which begins with the revision of the existing program and the confirmation of its original objectives, namely: the construction of the nuclear submarine and the inauguration of the commercial uranium enrichment plant.…”
The knowledge regarding nuclear technology represented a new reality for the generation of energy and international security. The nuclear attacks of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 represented the beginning of the so-called nuclear era and of the “balance of terror” as presented by many analysts such as Raymond Aron, deepened by the arms race in the US-Soviet bipolarity after 1947. Besides the superpowers, different countries had begun to develop their nuclear programs. The cases of Brazil and India stand out, since they develop their research agendas n the 1950s and 1960s, in the Cold War context, as a path to enhance their autonomy and bargaining power. The spread of the nuclear knowledge represented a challenge for the superpowers, and the talks for mechanisms of nuclear proliferation control such as the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) started. This is the context in which Brazil and India develop their nuclear programs under the impact of its bilateral relations with the US. Although, these programs were convergent at first, in the search for nuclear autonomy, adjustments are going to be observed on both policies after the end of the Cold War. The article aims to understand the importance and history of Brazil and India nuclear programs and US weight on these agendas.
“…Admiral Álvaro Alberto's nationalistic position, as well as the work performed by the Brazilian Navy, allowed important advances between 1951 and 1963 (Herz, Dawood and Lage 2018). It is worth mentioning the creation of the National Research Council in 1951, (now the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq in Portuguese)), originally strongly oriented to nuclear development (Jesus 2012).…”
Section: A Brief Overview Of the Brazilian Nuclear Policymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Brazil played an important role in global nuclear policy during the presidential administrations led by the Workers' Party (2003)(2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008)(2009)(2010)(2011)(2012)(2013)(2014)(2015)(2016), both nationally and internationally. Former Presidents Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, in addition to promoting substantial advances that entailed the revitalization of large projects (such as the resumption of the construction of the Angra III nuclear power plant), advocated the central role of the State in promoting national development (Herz et al 2018), in addition to the search for decolonization processes. The subsequent years have been marked by the stagnation of the sector, aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic, starting in 2020 (and as of this writing, still in full swing).…”
Section: A Brief Overview Of the Brazilian Nuclear Policymentioning
The purpose of this paper is to show evidence of the undetermined expansion of Polanyi’s fictitious commodities within the Brazilian nuclear context. The issue of the marketification of social agendas has drawn a lot of attention to the data, collected through in-depth interviews. The analytical process was guided by the decolonial theory approach and by critical discourse analysis. Among the analysis’ main findings, it is possible to point out the elaboration of a framework which reveals the mechanisms employed by the Brazilian nuclear segment as a way of exercising parallel power and silencing social agendas. The main contributions are the temporal and geopolitical updating of Polanyi’s thesis; and the definition of the mechanisms used by the company Eletronuclear and by institutions as a way of co-optation, naturalisation and marketification of social and political agendas.
“…An ideal type of combined axis coalition was the Brazil, India, Germany, and Japan alliance in favor of UN Security Council (UNSC) reform (the G4), which was highly active and lost strength when the US started to support only India's and Japan's claims. Brazil also accelerated agreements with nations such as France in order to revitalize its defense industry, searching for new technological investments and modernization of its Armed Forces (Herz et al 2018) SSC extended to Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. The political goal was to reinforce coalitions and gain support for Brazil's candidacy to the UNSC as a permanent member.…”
Este é um artigo publicado em acesso aberto e distribuído sob os termos da Licença de Atribuição Creative Commons, que permite uso irrestrito, distribuição e reprodução em qualquer meio, desde que o autor e a fonte originais sejam creditados.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.