The Decline and Persistence of the Old Boy: Private Schools and Elite Recruitment 1897 to 2016

Reeves, Aaron; Friedman, Sam; Rahal, Charles; Flemmen, Magne

doi:10.1177/0003122417735742

Cited by 118 publications

(86 citation statements)

References 72 publications

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“…However, even then family influence over first jobs for future economic elites had declined relative to chairmen born in the nineteenth century (Stanworth and Giddens : 91). In line with larger studies of the elite (Reeves et al ) that have shown the declining influence of attending an elite ‘Clarendon’ school or Oxbridge, Davis () has recently suggested that education and particularly professional business education such as an MBA is increasingly important compared to attending older elite universities. Our study is in the unique position of being able to look comprehensively at the role of education and other factors in recruitment into the most prestigious firms of British finance and consultancy as it happens .…”

Section: Introduction: Higher Education Prestige Employers and Elitementioning

confidence: 79%

The field of graduate recruitment: leading financial and consultancy firms and elite class formation

Donnelly

Gamsu²

2019

British Journal of Sociology

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The symbolic value of being recruited by a high status multinational company likely represents an important marker of distinction. For the first time, a unique Destinations of Leavers in Higher Education (DLHE) data-set is used here to model entry to elite multinational company in finance, accountancy and consultancy sectors among graduates of different social origins, universities, degree subjects and with different degree classifications. From a sample of 11,755 graduates working across these three sectors, we examine what predicts entry to 31 leading firms and then examine pay hierarchies among the 3,260 graduates working for these companies using random-effects models. At first glance, significantly, we find that elite recruits come from a much broader range of universities than might be imagined. However, a closer look at the highest paid graduates within these firms reveals more familiar patterns of social and institutional stratification. We argue that these patterns likely reflect the nature of work undertaken by graduates in these elite firms, with institutional and social origins of graduates differing according to the particular track taken in what are likely to be highly differentiated graduate recruitment schemes.

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Section: Introduction: Higher Education Prestige Employers and Elitementioning

confidence: 79%

The field of graduate recruitment: leading financial and consultancy firms and elite class formation

Donnelly

Gamsu²

2019

British Journal of Sociology

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“…Britain's aristocracy were certainly embattled by piecemeal reform and economic shocks in this period, but they did not face the kind of violent revolutions or wholesale expropriation of elite institutions that so profoundly altered elite culture in countries like France and Germany (Cannadine 1999). Instead, the structure of the British elite-in terms of both its occupational makeup and the schools and universities from which it has traditionally recruited its members-stayed remarkably stable over time (Reeves et al 2017). The British case, then, provides a unique lens on elite cultural change that is far less muddied by abrupt ruptures in the ruling classes or by radical reconfigurations of elite institutions.…”

Section: Stable and Expansive: The Case Of The British Elitementioning

confidence: 99%

From Aristocratic to Ordinary: Shifting Modes of Elite Distinction

Friedman

Reeves

2020

Am Sociol Rev

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How do elites signal their superior social position via the consumption of culture? We address this question by drawing on 120 years of “recreations” data ( N = 71,393) contained within Who’s Who, a unique catalogue of the British elite. Our results reveal three historical phases of elite cultural distinction: first, a mode of aristocratic practice forged around the leisure possibilities afforded by landed estates, which waned significantly in the late-nineteenth century; second, a highbrow mode dominated by the fine arts, which increased sharply in the early-twentieth century before gently receding in the most recent birth cohorts; and, third, a contemporary mode characterized by the blending of highbrow pursuits with everyday forms of cultural participation, such as spending time with family, friends, and pets. These shifts reveal changes not only in the contents of elite culture but also in the nature of elite distinction, in particular, (1) how the applicability of emulation and (mis)recognition theories has changed over time, and (2) the emergence of a contemporary mode that publicly emphasizes everyday cultural practice (to accentuate ordinariness, authenticity, and cultural connection) while retaining many tastes that continue to be (mis)recognized as legitimate.

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“…Educational systems cross-nationally may play a crucial role in structuring the distribution of cultural capital (embodied and institutionalized) and determining the convertibility of cultural consumption (Bourdieu 1986). In the UK, it is not uncommon to find both bankers and journalists, stockbrokers and academics attending the same schools and universities, and even studying the same subjects (Reeves, Friedman, Rahal and Flemmen 2017). Not only do alumni share similar credentials but the common form of embodied cultural capital acquired during these school years actually expands their career options.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Can cultural consumption increase future earnings? Exploring the economic returns to cultural capital

Reeves

Vries

2018

British Journal of Sociology

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Abstract:Cultural consumption is often viewed as a form of embodied cultural capital which can be converted into economic rewards because such practices increase the likelihood of moving into more advantaged social positions. However, quantitative evidence supporting this proposition remains uncertain because it is often unable to rule out alternative explanations. Cultural consumption appears to influence hiring decisions in some elite firms, in both the U.S. and the U.K., but it is unclear whether these processes are applicable to other professional occupations and other labour market processes such as promotions. We examine these processes using data from Understanding Society, an individual-level panel survey conducted in the UK, allowing us to explore whether cultural consumption predicts future earnings, upward social mobility, and promotions. People who consume a larger number of cultural activities are more likely to earn higher wages in the future, to be upwardly socially mobile, and to be promoted. Cultural consumption, then, can function as cultural capital in some labour market settings, potentially contributing to the reproduction of income inequality between generations.* Replication materials are available here: https://github.com/asreeves/culture-income † Aaron Reeves and Rob de Vries are joint lead authors of this article, and both contributed equally. 1 ICultural consumption is correlated with social position (Bennett et al. 2009;Chan 2010). Across high-income countries, people who are highly educated, have higher incomes, and work in prestigious occupations are, on average, more avid cultural consumers than people in less advantaged social positions (Chan 2013;Jaeger and Katz-Gerro 2010;Peterson and Kern 1996).One common explanation for this homology between cultural consumption and social position presumes there are economic returns to participating in cultural activities (Bills 2003). Or, to be more concrete, consuming certain cultural products may increase the likelihood of moving into advantaged social positions and thereby increasing future earnings (Bourdieu 1984;Rivera 2011). Economic returns to cultural consumption may arise because these practices smooth access to advantaged social positions in situations where gatekeepers prefer people who are already similar to themselves (Tilly and Tilly 1998), allowing evaluators to recognise a candidate as 'one of us' . Likewise, gatekeepers may treat cultural consumption as a signal of other desirable traits that are valuable to firms, such as intellectual curiosity or creativity (Ridgeway and Fiske 2012). In these circumstances, as Bourdieu (1984) argued, cultural consumption becomes a particular manifestation of 'embodied cultural capital' . 1 Cultural dispositions along with the symbolic mastery of certain cultural forms generate patterns of cultural consumption and these practices, in turn, enable some (rather than others) to secure certain social and financial rewards (Bourdieu 1986). It is precisely the 'convertibility' 2 of cultural consu...

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The Decline and Persistence of the Old Boy: Private Schools and Elite Recruitment 1897 to 2016

Cited by 118 publications

References 72 publications

The field of graduate recruitment: leading financial and consultancy firms and elite class formation

The field of graduate recruitment: leading financial and consultancy firms and elite class formation

From Aristocratic to Ordinary: Shifting Modes of Elite Distinction

Can cultural consumption increase future earnings? Exploring the economic returns to cultural capital

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