The debate on immigration and the crisis of national identity

Schnapper, Dominique

doi:10.1080/01402389408425018

Cited by 105 publications

(38 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…25 These contradictory findings either stem from ecological fallacies of attitudinal research or from the potency of symbolic and sociotropic motivations (in this case, their concerns about general conditions, such as European integration) over self-interest competition per se. 26 More specific to the European case, it also supports Dominique Schnapper's (1994) argument that "it is less the objective difficulties of integrating migrants-even if they do exist" that explain the passion of the European debates on immigrants than the crisis of the nation-state itself (p. 138). Thus, whereas immigrant numbers matter, it may only be in context of other societal threats (e.g., community integration) that they fully make sense (Lahav, 2002).…”

Section: [Commission Of the European Communitiesmentioning

confidence: 89%

Public Opinion Toward Immigration in the European Union

Lahav

2004

Comparative Political Studies

111

105

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The literature on immigration has been divided with regard to the constraints, particularly of public opinion, on EU policy cooperation. Analysts have suggested that there is a disjuncture between public opinion and policy developments and that liberal immigration policies have emerged because negative public opinion is not factored into elite decision making or institutional developments. Comparing public opinion data derived from Eurobarometer surveys with demographic trends and EU initiatives, this article questions the "disjuncture" premises by evaluating the nature of mass attitudes and its impact on policy harmonization in the EU. In bridging the attitudinal-policy gap, the article assesses (a) the extent to which publics are ignorant or informed and (b) the distinct effects of personal versus general societal conditions as they motivate immigration attitudes and policy preferences. The conclusions have implications for immigration cooperation in the European Union, with policy outcomes that are more compatible with public attitudes.

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Section: [Commission Of the European Communitiesmentioning

confidence: 89%

Public Opinion Toward Immigration in the European Union

Lahav

2004

Comparative Political Studies

111

105

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“…The influx of millions of 'foreigners' to European countries has changed considerably not only the social composition of many European countries but also the ethnic fabric of many European cities (Castles and Miller 1993;Soysal 1994;Sassen 1996;Pettigrew 1998;Lahav 2004). Consequently, and despite the dire need of many European societies for additional workforce, many citizens have begun viewing 'the foreigners' as a serious social problem and questions about the terms of inclusion of immigrants within the national community have intensified in recent years (Baldwin-Edwards and Schain 1994;Schnapper 1994;Soysal 1994;Scheepers, Gijsberts and Coenders 2002;Semyonov, Raijman and Gorodzeisky 2008). In essence, the immigration question and questions about the place of 'foreigners' in society and the terms of their inclusion have become more relevant than ever because they have been transformed from a labour market problem to an issue of national identity (Castles and Kosack 1985;Faist 1994;Baumgartl and Favell 1995;Fetzer 2000).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Terms of exclusion: public views towards admission and allocation of rights to immigrants in European countries

Gorodzeisky¹,

Semyonov²

2009

Ethnic and Racial Studies

147

128

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The paper contends that exclusionary views towards out-group populations are formed along two dimensions: exclusion from the country and exclusion from equal rights. Data obtained from the European Social Survey (for twenty-one countries) reveal that objection to the admission of foreigners to the country is more pronounced than objection to the allocation of 'equal rights'. The data further suggest that objection to admission can be directed either at all non-nationals or only at ethnic and racial minorities. 'Total exclusionists' (i.e. support exclusion of all non-nationals) are more likely to support the denial of foreigners from equal rights than 'racial exclusionists' (i.e. support only exclusion of ethnic minorities). Multi-level analyses show that support for exclusion is also influenced by socio-economic characteristics of individuals (e.g. education, political orientation) and characteristics of their countries (e.g. size of the non-European population). The findings are discussed in light of sociological theory

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“…The Extreme-Right and Immigration Policy-Making 271 by journalists and scholars alike as a passing 'protest vote' -as it was by Dominique Schnapper in 1994, with regard to the FN -by a part of the electorate against established parties that have ignored their interests and concerns. 1 In some cases established parties can recapture these voters by co-opting and reworking the issues that defined the initial protest.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%