2001
DOI: 10.1525/9780520342057
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The Deadly Ethnic Riot

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Cited by 611 publications
(104 citation statements)
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“…Several recent contributions, however, have started to challenge this assumption. Horowitz (2001) and Humphreys, Posner and Weinstein (2002) report evidence from case studies in Sri Lanka, Burundi and Ethiopia, where identifying members from different ethnic groups was at times difficult despite the fact that local conflicts were revolving around ethnic roots. In those cases, the possibility to fake one's accent or to dress in a particular way made it impossible to recognize people's ethnic origin even for their local counterparts.…”
Section: What Makes Ethnicity Identifiable?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Several recent contributions, however, have started to challenge this assumption. Horowitz (2001) and Humphreys, Posner and Weinstein (2002) report evidence from case studies in Sri Lanka, Burundi and Ethiopia, where identifying members from different ethnic groups was at times difficult despite the fact that local conflicts were revolving around ethnic roots. In those cases, the possibility to fake one's accent or to dress in a particular way made it impossible to recognize people's ethnic origin even for their local counterparts.…”
Section: What Makes Ethnicity Identifiable?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…One of the ways to reduce these intergroup anxieties is to provide accurate information quickly and before the rumors about these groups are well penetrated. People who are constantly exposed to false information about a group remember them correctly over time (Horowitz, 2001 ). For this reason, it is necessary to be transparent for the authorities that manage the migration policies to prevent information pollution, especially about Syrians, by providing accurate information for the local community periodically.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Various factors exacerbate ethnic cleavages and result in inter-group violence, including the economic disparities between ethnic communities (Fjelde & Østby, 2014;Gurr, 2000;Pierskalla & Sacks, 2017;Stewart, 2008); self-interested political entrepreneurs who mobilize ethnic identities-the instrumentalist argument-particularly around election periods (Brass, 1997;Gagnon, 1994;Posner, 2004); and ethnic favouritism or weak mechanisms of inclusion at the national level (Miguel, 2004). In contrast, ideational or constructivist theories emphasize that work focusing on material interests and political entrepreneurs is incomplete if it does not consider how ascriptive or cultural identities and their symbolic markers shape and constrain mobilization (Brubaker & Laitin, 1998;Horowitz, 2001;Kaufman, 2001). The middle ground in this debate recognizes that identity can be strategically mobilized, but also rooted in salient local identity narratives (e.g.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%